Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies

(With the participation of several Syrian human rights organizations)

With the support of Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies

and

the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)

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Foreword

Documenting human rights violations in Syria remains a high-risk activity. Over the past years, several human rights defenders were sentenced to prison. The government imposed significant restrictions on freedoms of speech, assembly, association and travel, and targeted in particular human rights defenders and pro-democracy activists

Defenders are generally prosecuted and often convicted for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and freedom of association and/or activities for the defence of human rights. Violations of the right to a fair trial are routinely observed at all stages of judicial proceedings and acts of mistreatment and torture have also been very regularly denounced during arrests by the State security services or during detention.

The arrests and detention of prominent lawyers and Human Rights Defenders Muhannad Al Hassani and Haitham Al Maleh in 2009 are concrete and recent illustrations of the systematic violation of freedom of association and expression and crackdown on independent HRDs.

Among other charges Mr. Al Hassani was prosecuted for attending Supreme State Security Court hearings without prior authorization, which he did as part of his activities of judicial observation on the respect of international standards of fair trial. This case illustrates the risks involved for independent non-governmental organizations to work in Syria.

For that reason several Syrian human rights organizations which have participated in the preparation of this report have preferred to remain anonymous.

Furthermore, in order to not put at risk more victims of severe human rights violations and their families, a large number of testimonies quoted in this report have already been documented by international human rights organizations.

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Introduction

Since March 8th 1963, Syria has been ruled under a state of emergency imposed by a military order upon the basis of the Law of Emergency although the procedures dictated by this law have not been followed.1 This law and in particular its articles 4 and 5 involves restrictions on a wide range of human rights which ought to be respected like freedom of individuals in assembly, residence and movement. It additionally violates the right to privacy and permits seizure of properties .

The “quasi-permanent state of emergency, thereby jeopardizing the guarantees of article 4 of the [International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights]” and that the provisions of the law of emergency “are too vague and imprecise and do not appear compatible with the requirement of article 4 of the covenant” were concerns raised by the Human Rights Committee in 2001. 2

The law of emergency also has serious implications on the independence of the judiciary. According to Art.8 of the law of emergency the Martial governor named by the Prime Minister “may take a conclusive decision regarding a dispute over specialization to draw a dividing line between civil and military judiciary”. This article among other dispositions allows the frequent prosecution of civilians before military courts.

Indeed, the widespread use of special courts and in particular the Supreme State Security Courts which do not respect most provisions of just procedures as articulated in article.14 of the ICCPR is of great concern3. The court -- which addresses cases related to national security -- was established through presidential decisions not according to law, and therefore operates only under the power of the Baath party; it is not part of the judiciary authority. Its jurisdiction applies to military as well as to civilian cases. According to art.1 and art.2 of the legislative decree No.47 of  8/3/1968, the

Supreme State Security Court may be formed by an order from the martial governor and is composed of two judges, one civilian and the other military. Its judgements are not subject to appeal (art.8) nor is it bound by the same procedures as the courts of regular jurisdiction (art.7). The President of the Republic must approve a verdict; he may also cancel it and ask for a retrial (art.8). The Constitution of Syria of 1973 contains its own provisions on the state of emergency; art.114 gives the President of the Republic the power to ”form specialized organizations, councils, and

committees”. This provision along with art. 3 of the Law of Emergency4 frame the important role of the Syrian security services.

The use of torture is particularly widespread among the various security agencies in Syria, not only against political prisoners or security detainees, but against regular criminal prisoners as well.

Extracting confessions under duress is the most common technique used during interrogations.

The Security bodies have increasingly become associated with far reaching human rights violations and the intensity of violations in the context of the State of emergency has been increasingly prevalent in Syria over the last decades: abductions and enforced disappearances;

1 Military act No.2 (8/3/1963). Legislative act No. 51 (22/12/1962).

2 Concluding observations of the Human Rights Committee: Syrian Arab Republic. 24/4/2001. CCPR/CO/71/SYR. §6 and §7.

3 Human Rights Committee, Concluding Observations op cit. “16. In the Committee’s view, the procedures of the State Security Court are incompatible with the provisions of article 14, paragraphs 1, 3 and 5. The public nature of proceedings before the State

Security Court is not guaranteed. The Committee is also concerned about allegations, to which the delegation did not respond, that the Court has rejected complaints of torture, even in flagrant cases, and that some legal representatives have withdrawn in

protest against the failure to respect the rights of the defence. Moreover, the Committee notes that the State Security Court’s decisions are not subject to appeal.

4 “ (a.)When a State of Emergency is declared, the prime minister should name a Military Governor and all internal and external

security forces must be put at his disposal”.

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arbitrary arrests and detention; solitary confinement; torture and ill-treatment; deprivation from legal and medical assistance; etc.). Security services benefit from a wide range of powers. The most infamous security organizations are: General Intelligence, affiliated with the Ministry of the Interior; Political Security, a division of the Ministry of the Interior; and Military and Air Force Intelligence, both nominally under the Ministry of Defense. The Bureau of National Security of the

Ba‘th Party Country Leadership oversees all of these agencies. Except for Air Force Intelligence, which has special tasks, all other security agencies conduct domestic surveillance at the local level.5

Headquartered in Damascus, they have branches in all provinces.

Notwithstanding the atmosphere of competition between these different security agencies, the power of particular security agencies has expanded at the expense of their own head offices. Many heads of security branches boasted strong relationships with the President, which caused their influence to outstrip that of the parent Ministry. As a result, these branches have had a decisive say in political, economic, and administrative decisions while being accountable only to the President.

Syria’s ratification of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (hereafter, the Convention Against Torture) on July 1, 2004, is a very positive step, hopefully toward reducing or eliminating the widespread practice of torture in Syria.

However since the ratification by Syria of the Convention no concrete improvement has been registered regarding the use of torture or degrading treatment.

While Syria ratified the Convention Against Torture with Legislative Decree 39/2004, it placed a reservation on Article 20 of the Convention, which allows the Committee Against Torture to investigate allegations of systematic torture being practised in a state party of concern. This illustrates an unwillingness of the Syrian authorities to tackle the issue of torture by taking more effective actions to fight these practices. The content of the State party report to the Committee does not contain relevant information concerning the implementation of the Convention and the

respect of its provisions at the national level. In addition to that, Syria hasn’t established any national mechanism to combat torture nor has it ratified the optional protocol to the Convention.

This seems to confirm the Syrian authorities’ disregard for its international obligations.

Part 1 : The legal framework

I- Prohibition of torture: set of contradictory laws Several Syrian laws provide for the good treatment of prisoners and prohibit torture.

The Syrian Constitution in its Article 28, Paragraph 3 states, “No one may be physically or psychologically tortured or treated in a degrading fashion; the punishment for such acts shall be set

by law”. More generally, the Syrian Constitution contains many provisions safeguarding fundamental liberties and human rights, as was duly highlighted by the report of the Syrian government to the CAT. However, most of the pertinent articles end with formulations surch as “in accordance with the law,” “according to the provisions outlined in the law,” or “and the law shall regulate this”. In many cases, the relevant law has either not been issued in the 35 years of the Constitution’s existence, or a law has been issued and contravenes the spirit of the Constitution. On the other hand,

5 For more details, see James A. Paul, Syria Unmasked: The Suppression of Human Rights by the Asad Regime, edited by Middle

East Watch (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).

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some laws issued before the ratification of the Constitution remain in force, even if they contradict provisions of the Constitution, as is clearly the case with the Emergency Law.

The state of Emergency enforced since 1963 restricts public liberties in Syria. Article 4 of the Emergency Law states that:

“The martial law governor or his deputy may issue written orders to take the following measures or some of them: to refer violators to military courts; to place restrictions on the freedom of people to assemble, reside, and move; to arrest, as a precautionary measure, suspects who are threatening security and public order; to approve investigations of persons and places at any time; and to delegate any person to perform any of these acts.”

Article 3 of the Emergency Law further stipulates that:“On declaring a state of emergency, the Prime Minister is called Martial Ruler and all the forces of internal and external security are put at his disposal.”

Thereby, this law allows detaining any person in contravention of the law, not by the competent authorities, in places other than those designated by law, and for an unspecified period. Therefore, the Emergency Law erases the guarantees of freedom from torture, inhuman treatment, and isolation from the outside world that are enshrined in the Constitution. These broad prerogatives enjoyed by the customary ruler and his deputy enhance the potential for human rights abuses thus opening the door for arbitrary and incommunicado detention, an extremely common practice in

Syria and one which largely facilitates further human rights abuses, including torture.

II- Definition of torture While the Syrian Constitution prohibits torture, it leaves the punishment of offenders to be defined by law. The Penal Code alludes to the crime of torture, but does not use this word to describe it.

According to Article 391 of the Syrian Penal Code, “1. Anyone who subjects a person to illegal hardship in order to obtain a confession to a crime or information about that crime shall be liable to a penalty of imprisonment of three months to three years. 2. If the acts of violence lead to sickness or injury, the minimum penalty shall be a term of one year imprisonment.” “Hardship” is construed in the second sentence as “acts of violence,” or physical violence, which rules out psychological violence such as the threats and ill-treatment included in the definition of torture in Article 1 of the Convention Against Torture. Furthermore, the penalty provided by the Penal code for the perpetration of such acts doesn’t take into account the grave nature of torture which shall be made “punishable by appropriate penalties as set out in article 4, paragraph 2, of the Convention”.

III-Immunity granted to main offenders

1.Legislative decrees creating and regulating the General Intelligence Administration

Intelligence and security bodies empowered by security laws and provisions are the main offenders identified. Investigations on acts perpetrated by security officers and prosecution are nevertheless almost non-existent due to the extensive legal immunity extended by the decrees creating these bodies and regulating their functions.

On January 15, 1969, Legislative Decree 14 was issued establishing the General Intelligence

Administration ( إدارة المخابرات العامة ). Article 16 of the decree states, “No legal action may be taken against any employee of the department for crimes committed while carrying out their designated

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duties or in the course of performing such duties except by an order issued by the director.” This principle was reiterated by Article 4 of Legislative Decree 549/1969 regarding of the Regulations of the Internal Structure of the General Intelligence Administration issued on May 25, 1969, which states, “No legal action may be taken against any General Intelligence Department employees, those assigned or detailed to the department, or those contracted with it for crimes incurred on the job or in the course of performing the job before referral to a department disciplinary board and before an order is obtained from the director.” These decrees instate security apparatuses’ free rein in treatment of detainees: intelligence agents feel immune from legal prosecution even if they commit a human rights violation as grave as torture.

The following is the text of Articles 16 and 30 of Legislative Decree 14 creating the General Intelligence Administration, issued on January 25, 1969, as well as Articles 74 and 101 of Legislative Decree 549.

Article 30 of Legislative Decree 14/1969 states that “This law shall not be published and goes into effect on the day of issuance.”

Article 74, Legislative Decree 549/1969: No legal action may be taken against any State Security Department employee, those assigned or detailed to the department, or those contracted with it for crimes incurred on the job or in the course of performing the job before referral to a department disciplinary board and before an order is obtained from the director.

Article 101, Legislative Decree 549/1969: This law shall not be published and goes into effect on the day that Legislative Decree 14 comes into force, January 15, 1969.

These laws differ from others insofar as they are confidential (i.e. never officially published in the government register), depriving citizens from the right to know the law. Over 40 years however, they have come unofficially to the knowledge of lawyers and human rights organisations. The Laws are meant to guarantee democratic order and protect civil rights, and the Syrian Constitution guarantee people’s sovereignty. The existence of secret laws is in contradiction with the guarantee of people’s sovereignty.

The Syrian authorities concealed the law fearing a scandal, for the very text of the law implies recognition of crimes committed by state security personnel and the authorities’ efforts to protect them. No party can hold them accountable without a prosecution order from the director, and the director in turn uses this prerogative to compel his subordinates to continue to torture and engage in other crimes that make the lives of Syrian detainees intolerable.

A systematic search for laws regulating the work of the security services reveals that there is no published legal text. The only thing we can glean is found in an opinion issued by the general assembly of the State Council’s fatwa and legislation department, no. 654/1997, which refers to a law regulating the work of the General Intelligence Administration, although that law remains unpublished.

The State Council was asked to offer an opinion on whether it was possible to prosecute employees with the General Intelligence Department for crimes committed in the course of duty. In his opinion, the State Council relied on laws regulating the work of the General Intelligence Department, brought to its attention by the Department itself. Based on these texts, the general assembly of the fatwa and legislation department stated that “no legal action may be taken against

any General Intelligence Department employee, those assigned or detailed to the department, or

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those contracted with it for crimes committed while carrying out their designated duties or in the course of performing such duties before referral to a Department disciplinary board and before an order is obtained from the director.” Thus it is made clear that the law regulating the work of the General Intelligence Administration includes provisions that grant prior immunity to the agency and its employees; the director may choose to forgo this immunity, although not one prosecution order has been issued by a Director of the Department since the law was issued in 1969.6

The foregoing law is still in effect, protecting members of the General Intelligence Department from accountability. This is, first and foremost, incompatible with the Constitution, which bans torture in Article 28 Paragraphs 3. It further violates the right of citizens to lodge a complaint, since no legal petition can be submitted against any member of the General Intelligence Department. The law is also incompatible with Legislative Decree 39/2004, in which Syria ratified the Convention Against Torture. Although Article 4 of the Convention obliges States Parties to take all measures to criminalise acts of torture in their criminal codes, it is noticeable here that perpetrators of acts of torture and other severe human rights violations are instead protected by law.

2. Legislative Decree 69: immunity for police, customs police, or Political Security

On September 30, 2008, the president issued Legislative Decree 69 amending the Military Penal Code in Syria. The law delegated the right to issue an arrest order for members of the police, political security, and customs to the General Command of the Army and Armed Forces, although administratively these personnel are subordinate to the Ministry of Interior, not the armed forces. Legislative Decree 69 stipulated the following: Article 1: The following section shall be added to the end of Article 47 of the Military Penal Code issued by Legislative Decree 61 on February 27, 1950:

7A: Crimes committed by non-commissioned officers, members of the internal security forces, personnel with the Political Security Division, and members of the customs police during the course of the legal duties.

B. Arrest orders for non-commissioned officers, members of the internal security forces, personnel with the Political Security Division, and members of the customs police shall be issued by the General Command of the Army and Armed Forces, in accordance with the provisions of Article 53 of the Military Penal Code.

Article 2: Suits filed before the regular judiciary in connection with Article 1 shall be referred to the military judiciary.

Under the new law, no lawsuit may be filed before regular courts against members of the police, customs police, or Political Security, including of course, ones related to the torture and assault of citizens as such lawsuits require the prior permission of the army commander. In turn, all lawsuits filed against the aforementioned personnel that were pending before the regular judiciary were transferred to the military judiciary.

Article 1 Paragraph B of the new law stipulates that prosecution orders for the named personnel willbe issued by the General Command of the Army and Armed Forces.

6 See ‘Abd al-Hayy al-Sayyid, “Mas’uliyat al-ajhiza al-amniya ‘an akhta’iha fi Suriya fi itar al-qanun al-Suri,”

http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d9/979.aspx .

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Paragraph B of Article 1 is ambiguous insofar as it stipulates that prosecution orders for noncommissioned officers and members of the internal security forces, personnel with the Political Security Division, and members of the customs police are issued by decree from the General Command of the Army and Armed Forces in accordance with Article 53, which defines the source of the order in five cases. While Legislative Decree 69 stipulates that arrest orders shall be issued by the General Command of the Army, it does not refer to any specific paragraph of Article 53 in the

Military Penal Code. In turn, it is extremely difficult to file a lawsuit against perpetrators of torture since it requires the permission of the General Commander of the Army and Armed Forces.

Instead of taking measures to bring its national laws in line with the Convention Against Torture, Syria has taken precisely the opposite measures. Legislative Decree 69/2008, issued after Syria had ratified the Convention, is a new step to bestow further protection from prosecution on security personnel. Although the content of the decree is ambiguous, particularly Paragraph B of Article 1, the direct, clear result of the decree is to secure further immunity for members of the security apparatus. As we noted above, members of the General Intelligence Department have always enjoyed immunity from prosecution. With the issuance of Legislative Decree 69/2008 all members of the security apparatus, from intelligence agencies, to judicial and customs police are secure from legal prosecution, a situation which greatly facilitates the commission of torture while violating the right of citizens to lodge a complaint.

IV-Legal obstacles to the right to lodge a complaint The right to lodge a complaint in Syria is guaranteed by the Constitution7 but the ongoing state of emergency has had disastrous effects on the state of human rights in Syria, perhaps most significantly by de facto overriding the Constitution, which makes it difficult to exercise the right to

lodge a complaint as guaranteed by Art. 13 CAT.

The content of the above-mentioned decrees grant the security apparatus as a whole prior immunity from prosecution. Therefore citizens cannot turn to the courts to sue any member or officer of the security apparatus except with prior approval, which is virtually impossible since it must be obtained from the Director of the General Intelligence Department or the General Commander of

the Army and Armed Forces. If a citizen files a complaint against a security officer or member, the suit is not heard and remains pending until approval is obtained. It is also alarming that the plaintiffnot the judicial authority- must take action to obtain permission from the security apparatus. In other words, a citizen suing State Security Intelligence for torturing or maltreating him, for example, must go to this very body to obtain permission to sue.

To ensure that laws in Syria are interpreted as it wishes, the executive authority has brought the judiciary under its wing and stripped it of all independence.

V-Legal infringements of the independence of the judiciary

The lack of judicial independence and arbitrary procedures have systematically resulted in violations of the right to fair trial.

In Syria, the Minister of Justice heads the judiciary and a majority of the Supreme Judicial Council is subordinate to him (his aide, the Public Prosecutor, the chair of the Judicial Inspection Authority, 7 Article 28, Paragraph 4 states that “The right of litigation, appeal, and defence before the judiciary is protected by law”. 8

all of them being nominated by the Minister of Justice8 As such, the judiciary is no longer independent, but is turned into a State Department run by the Minister of Justice, who is a member of the executive authority.9

In addition, judges do not enjoy immunity according to the provisions of Legislative Decree 40, issued on May 21, 1966, which states that « Contrary to all provisions in effect, particularly Article 92 of Law 98 on the judiciary issued on November 15, 1961 and its amendments: the cabinet can, within 24 hours after a judge’s alleged misconduct, and at its own discretion, decree:

1. The dismissal of judges from service

2. Their transfer to another domain

3. This decree need not include the cause or reasons for a dismissal or transfer.

A judge may be dismissed or transferred by order, which is not subject to any form of review; neither the State Council, the General Agency for the Court of Cassation, nor any other judicial or administrative body can hear or consider an objection or appeal to the decision. The rights of the judge in question shall be fulfilled in accordance with the provisions for retirement ».  Having lifted all immunity on judges, there only remains to make them subordinate to the executive authority to which the law allows to dismiss or transfer judges without requiring the statement of any cause and denying the right to appeal. In doing so, the judiciary thus becomes the protector of the executive.

Hence the judiciary is hamstrung and, in effect, deterred from hearing any petition whose objective is the prosecution of the executive authority or the security apparatus. The prior approval that must be obtained in such suits (which must be obtained from the party being sued) is the principal obstacle to filing a suit against any security personnel or officers. If a judge dared to rely on the Constitution and accept the petition—which has not happened in Syria to this day—the laws stripping judges of their immunity would facilitate his transfer or dismissal without cause. This makes it impossible to litigate against the security apparatus in Syria and also systematizes the

violation of the right to lodge a complaint as upheld in the Syrian constitution and in Article 13 CAT.

VI-Unfair trial guarantees before exceptional courts legally recorded

The large majority of political prisoners in Syria have been tried before exceptional courts: either the Military Field Tribunal or the Supreme State Security Court, neither of which meet the standards of fairness and due process: a significant amount of allegations of torture were completely

ignored by these Courts.

The proceedings before Supreme State Security Courts and Military Courts disregard fair trial guarantees and the courts’ functioning widely contradicts the international standards of fair trial. For instance, these courts continually fail to condemn illegal procedures of arrest and detention and as detailed below, refuse to refer allegations of torture for investigation even when the marks of 8 Article 65 of Decree 98/1961 on the judiciary stipulates: “The Supreme Judicial Council shall be composed of the following: President of the republic as represented by the Minister of Justice, chair of the council ; Chair of the Court of Cassation, member;Two most senior members of the Court of Cassation after the chair, members; Aide to the Minister of Justice, member ; Public Prosecutor, member; Chair of the Judicial Inspection Department, member.” 9 Haytham al-Malih, Huquq al-insan bayn al-ta’dhib wa halat al-tawari’[Human Rights between the modernization and development], (Damascus, Al-Ahalie Publisher, 2001) p. 88.

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violence and violation are obvious on the defendant’s body. Lastly the right to appeal is not recognized before the Supreme State Security Courts.

The Military Field Tribunal was established by Legislative Decree 10910. It deals with crimes within the jurisdiction of the military judiciary or those committed in wartime or wartime operations as the Minister of Defence refers to it. Although there is no real state of war at the current time as highlighted by the Human Rights Committee in 2001 and reiterated in 2005 11, these courts continue to hear cases of a security nature and civilians are tried before them.

The tribunal is not bound by the principles and procedures stipulated in existing legislation (i.e. the Syrian Code of Criminal Procedure) according to Article 5 of Legislative Decree 10912 This means that it is not constrained by the imperative for a public trial, the right to an attorney, the right to see a forensic physician, the ban on incommunicado detention, or a suspect’s right to be questioned within 24 hours after his arrest, in addition to other basic rights guaranteed to suspects and defendants by the Syrian Code of Criminal Procedure. The Court conducts its session in total

secrecy, and defendants are not allowed recourse to a lawyer or contact with their families.

The Supreme State Security Court (SSSC) was established by Legislative Decree 47, issued on March 28, 1968. Paragraph A of Article 7 of this Decree states that “With the exception of the right to a defence as inscribed in existing laws, State Security courts are not bound by the procedures stipulated in existing legislation at any point of investigation, interrogation, and trial.”  This article exempts the State Security Court from procedures stipulated in the Code of Criminal Procedure from Article 273 to Article 308, such as the requirement that the Head of the Court questions the defendant within 24 hours after his papers reached the Court and the defendant’s right

to choose an attorney.

Once again, we find laws and decrees on the books that conflict with the most basic rights of a defendant, in violation of both, the Syrian Constitution and laws as well as provisions of the Convention Against Torture.

Part 2. Serious and systematic human rights violations related to the Convention

I-Torture: a systematic practice in interrogation centers

There have been innumerable cases of torture perpetrated at arrest and detention centres or various security services’ headquarters, but very few of these cases have been exposed. Usually detainees do not expose their torture after their release in fear of retaliation from the security apparatus.

We shall provide examples of torture documented by international rights organizations and testimonies from former detainees about what happened to them or what they witnessed in security centres or prisons. The following cases are taken from the Human Rights Watch report, Group Denial: Repression of Kurdish Political and Cultural Rights in Syria.13 10 Issued on August 17, 1967  11 See Human Rights Council’s Concluding Observations 6, CCPR/CO/84/SYR, 9 August 2005.

12 “The court is not bound by the principles and procedures stipulated in existing legislation”. 13 Human Rights Watch, November 2009, available at :  ttp://www.hrw.org/en/node/86737

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Twelve of the 30 former detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch stated that security services had tortured them. According to the testimonies, the security services that engaged in the torture include Political Security (Aleppo and Ain Arab branches), Military Intelligence (Palestine branch)14, State Security Intelligence, Air Force Intelligence, Military Police (Qamishli), and prison guards at the Sednaya Prison.15 Violence was used when the detainee was not undergoing interrogation, and the most common forms include beating and kicking all over the body, and particularly on the soles of the feet. One member of the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) described how he was tortured during his detention by Political Security in Ain Arab in May 2006: “They tortured me physically and emotionally. The physical torture began from the moment I arrived at the branch. The officer who heads the branch beat me personally. His men tied my legs to a Russian rifle, and the officer beat me on my feet with a whip. The beating covered various parts of my body. He would insult and threaten me and insult the Kurds. He found a notebook in my pocket where I had written the name of the town by its Kurdish name, Kobani, which the regime had changed to ‘Ain ‘Arab, so he hit me with more than 100 lashes saying,“Damn you and damn Kobani. Why don’t you write ‘Ain ‘Arab?”16

The torture lasted for almost six hours of on-off beatings.

“The next day, they transferred me to the political security branch in Aleppo. When I arrived there, they beat me and kicked me. The day after that, the investigation started. Whenever the investigator would not get the answers he wanted from me, he would refer me to some people for beating.”17

A Kurdish activist arrested after the crackdown on protest on November 2, 2007, in Qamishli said that military police interrogators in Qamishli tortured him in November to force him to confess: “They gathered us in the basement of Criminal Security for the first night, where they beat us. They then transferred us to Military Police in Qamishli, where security guards tortured us. The first 12 days in detention were very difficult. They [Military Police] repeated the investigation with me four times and would make me put my fingerprints on a piece of paper, while my hands were tied behind my back and my eyes were covered. They would keep insulting us and calling us traitors and agents for the US.

Two of the torturers would drag me on the floor while two others would beat me with a cable. They would do this along the 20 meters that separated the office where the investigation took place from my detention cell. They also tortured the others who were with me, until five people confessed that I had incited them to demonstrate and given them the order to throw stones at members of the security services.”18

Interrogators used several methods to restrain detainees and facilitate the beatings. A Kurdish activist arrested by Political Security in June 2005 described the “tire” method to Human Rights Watch, a widespread method in which security forces force the victim to lie on his back and bend 14 Under the authority of the Military intelligence, this detention center is known for its brutal interrogation methods. People suspected of terrorist activities of links with terrorist groups are systematically detained in this branch.

15 « Sednaya civil prison is one of the largest (…) Syrian prisons build in 1987. It is situated in the mountainous village of Sednaya, which lies north of Damascus. (…) Every wing on each floor is composed of twenty collective cells, each 8 meters long and six meters wide. The first floor contains one hundred prison cells. Sednaya prison was built to accommodate, in normal circumstances, 5000 detainees, but the number may be increased to 10000 detainees when the prison is crowded. (…) The Syrian

Government built the prison primarily to receive ordinary criminals, but it received political detainees. In the prison there are interrogation bureaus supplied with the most modern and most developed torture instruments. » Syrian Human Rights

Committee (SHRC), Sednaya Prison: The Continual Human Tragedy , June 2004, available at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d9/1749.aspx.

16 Human Rights Watch, November 2009, available at : http://www.hrw.org/en/node/86737

17 Ibid. 18 Ibid. 11

his knees; a car tire is then placed around his legs to expose the soles of his feet:

“They put me in the tire, and four guards starting beating me with cables and batons. The head officer was kicking me on my head and face with his shoe. They would also suspend me from the wall for long periods of time.”19

Another detainee told Human Rights Watch how Political Security tortured him in May 2006 after binding him to a rectangular wooden plank, a form of torture known as “the flying carpet”: “At night, they would bring two planks of wood, which they called the daff (tambour). I understood that this was the ‘flying carpet’ that I had heard about. They would tie my arms to the longer side of the plank and my legs (at the level of the shinbone) to the narrower part. On each side of the planks, there are metal rings tied to each other. The pain caused by the pulling is a lot harder to bear than the beating. The pain is mostly centred on the bones of the legs and the spinal cord. Then they would beat you on various parts of your body. After a while, they would untie me, and ask me to do some physical exercise to have the blood circulate again and then they would repeat the beatings.”20 Several detainees reported that the security apparatus forced them to stand for long periods of time.

A political activist detained in October 2008 and held for three months in Military Intelligence’s Palestine branch described this: “If the investigator was not convinced by what I said, the guards would take me to the ‘torture square,’ where they would make me stand on my feet for long days with my hands tied behind my back and my eyes covered with a black cloth. I was made to stand for 11 days with only brief periods of rest for 10 minutes, to eat. If I would fall due to lack of sleep…they would throw cold water on me and beat me with cables. I developed many illnesses because of this torture. Tests I had done after my release showed that I had inflamed joints as well as infections in the stomach, kidneys, and chest.”21 Another common form of torture as described by detainees was sleep deprivation. One detainee arrested by Political Security in Aleppo in June 2006 said, “They took me to the solitary cell. Every time they [the security guards] would come, they would wake me up with cold water and order me to stand.” The detainee held by Political Security in Aleppo in June and July 2006 also spoke about being threatened with permanent injury: “They also threatened me with electricity. The officer in charge told the night guard, ‘When I come back tomorrow I want to hear that he either confessed or is disfigured.”

A 55-year-old detainee who was arrested after the November 2, 2007, protests in Qamishli told Human Rights a terrible story: he passed out during interrogation by the Military Police in Qamishli only to wake up and find that they had pulled out three of his toenails. The former detainee said: “Security guards took us to a dark basement. They beat and insulted us and later transferred us to another detention cell, which was overcrowded. For over two hours the investigator beat me on my head with his boots. On the fourth day they changed the investigator. I think his title was Abu Shaker.

This time they beat me with a metal rod, and I finally passed out. When I woke up, they had pulled [out] three of my toenails.”22

Another activist described how he was beaten by the chief of the Palestine Branch, where he spent three months in late 2008, by a large cable while being transferred to another prison:

19 Ibid.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid.

22 Ibid.

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“There was no interrogation. I was being taken from the office of the director [of the Palestine Branch] to the car that would transfer me to the jail in Qamishli. The prison director took a large cable and started beating me on my back and insulting me while I walked the 20 meters to the car.   I felt like my heart and liver were going to come out of my mouth. I finally passed out when I got to the car.”23

Fourteen of the former detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch described horrifying detention conditions, complaining of overcrowding and other problems. One activist who was detained by a branch of Military Intelligence known as the Syriac Branch in northern Syria complained that “we were so many in the cell, we could not lie down. We had to sit the whole time —for six full days.”24

At least seven detainees told Human Rights Watch that security services had forced them to strip down to their underwear during interrogation and at times even while in their cells.

One detainee said that he spent 45 days in a Political Security detention centre “almost naked, with the exception of my underwear.”25

A Kurdish activist described the detention conditions with Military Intelligence in Qamishli: “We were in an underground cell with no air or sun. We had no recreation time to go out and get fresh air. I developed skin rashes. I had one blanket in winter, which was full of fleas and insects that would bite. We were forbidden to speak to anyone else in the cell, as any person who spoke was beaten andinsulted.”26

Other activists held in by the Palestine Branch of Military Intelligence complained, “There were flies in the cell, as well as many insects and cockroaches. There are no health services. I still suffer from back pain due to the cold.”27

In addition to physical torture and mistreatment, 18 Kurdish activists told Human Rights Watch that members of the security apparatus had insulted and degraded them. Some were embarrassed to repeat the insults: “They insulted my mother, sister, and wife, using words I would be ashamed of repeating.”28

In May 2007, shortly after his return from Turkey, where he had lived for 23 years, the Palestine Branch of Military Intelligence summoned Faisal al-Sheikh Ibrahim, saying he needed to sort out the situation with his compulsory military service. He described what he experienced during his four-month detention, after which he was admitted to the hospital for treatment as a result of torture: “I was taken blindfolded to an interrogation room and asked to talk about [what had happened] since I left for Turkey up to my return. I spoke truthfully about everything I remembered, since I have nothing to hide or fear. I was asked several questions and answered them. Finally, the interrogator asked me, “What’s your relationship to so-and-so?” I told him I didn’t know the person. He told me, “Didn’t he visit you?” I said, If I don’t know him, how could he visit me? He told me, “Didn’t you meet with him?” No, I said. He screamed in face, “Liar! Didn’t you meet him for dinner in 1989 at the home of so-and-so?” I told him that

23 Ibid.

24 Ibid.

25 Ibid.

26 Ibid.

27 Ibid.

28 Human rights Watch op. cit.

13

this person was my colleague and we often exchanged visits and dinner invitations. As a result of my bad memory and my insistence, I was taken to the torture chamber, where I encountered what I’ve never even imagined. I had thought that rumors about torture or what we saw in films and TV shows was exaggerated, but trust me, what I experienced was much worse than what I had seen or heard. After I had been totally enervated, I was moved to a cell. I was tortured like this for one week. In the breaks from the torture, I would remember everyone I had met and I would tell them their names. From their description of the wanted man, I remembered the name he gave me. I said his name is so-andso.

He answered, “Is that an alias?” I told him I wasn’t involved in politics and didn’t know if they were aliases or real names.

The torture stopped and I was asked about what I had talked about with him. I was placed in a solitary cell for four months then moved to a room outfitted for ten people that held 37 prisoners, including Syrians, Palestinians, and other Arabs. I learned that they were all activists, or democracy advocates, or opponents of the regime. Sleep took place in shifts, with some lying down while others sat waiting their turn. I was hit very hard on the chest during my torture. I was in severe pain and going by symptoms and touch, I surmised that some of ribs had been broken.

One night, the pain compelled me to ask for a doctor. The next day a guard, A., came and asked me about where the pain was. I told him and he said it was from too much smoking. I told him I’d never smoked in my life. I’ll send you some pain reliever, he said. The pain grew worse and my health deteriorated until I passed out. The uproar that apparently ensued in the cell forced the guard to inform the prison administration.

My condition worsened and a military doctor was summoned to treat me. After examining me, he said that I should be quickly moved to the hospital and placed under medical care I was moved to the hospital. I called my father from the military hospital and told him about my health. He quickly came to Damascus and after using some connections and paying bribes, was able to obtain a release order for me, but only after they forced him to write a statement that I had been injured before during my work at the company and that he wanted to treat me at his own expense and on his own responsibility. In two days, I was released. My father had made arrangements with a hospital for an operation and treatment, and, thank God, it was successful.29

II- Torture in prison: an ongoing punishment Torture and harsh treatment is not only inflicted upon detainees during interrogations with the goal of extracting information and confessions. Torture is widespread in prisons and detention centres -- in particular in the Central Prison known as Sednaya Prison, in the outskirts of Damascus. Such

practices show that torture is an end in tself, not only as a means of obtaining information, but to frighten political prisoners and break their will, lest they dare even consider engaging in any future political activity.In an interview conducted especially for this report, Syrian human rights activist Muhammad Ali al-Abdullah spoke about what he saw at the Sednaya Prison, where he was detained for two

months: I was beaten while being questioned by State Security Intelligence, Branch No. 285 (based in Damascus). The interrogator slapped and punched me several times, and I was forced to stand blindfolded with my hands cuffed behind my back, for the entire three-hour interrogation. The interrogator more than once threatened to use the “tire” on me and whip me. When I refused to answer some questions, I was made to kneel down on my knees.

29 Faisal al-Sheikh Ibrahim’s testimony (Arabic) is available at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d7/3687.aspx .

14

Prisoners arrive at the Sednaya Prison cuffed and blindfolded, having no idea where the security truck is taking them as they leave the detention centre. Prisoners are usually transferred in groups. After I reached the prison, I was thrown in a solitary cell; it was smaller than I was and I could not stretch out.The cell was two floors underground, dark with no light, measuring about 160 by 180 cm. It contained a

detached toilet about halfway up the wall. The cell smelled awful and filth was everywhere. The next day, food was distributed. Through holes in the door, I saw rations in front of each cell for four people. It later turned out that the two solitary cells facing mine and next to me held four individuals— four people packed into the same space that was confining for me alone. In the evening, I heard the First Aide to the Director of the Shift Guard tell the guards not to touch me ,since I was connected to the press and appear on television. He told them that the prison director explicitly stated that “we don’t want problems with this prisoner.”Groups of prisoners began arriving in the next few days. I spent 55 days in that cell during which two groups of prisoners arrived, each one numbering seven to ten people. Three prisoners arrived

individually.

The guards began screaming, “They’ve brought them, they’ve brought them! May God send good fortune, bring the tire.” Prisoners arrived to the hall, lined on both sides by solitary cells like mine.

More than ten guards arrived with a major from the Military Police, which runs the Sednaya Prison. The guards began beating the prisoners using rubber car tires. The prisoner would lie on his back and bend his legs, after which the tire would be put around his legs. Then the prisoner would be turned face down and a guard would stand on his back to prevent him from moving. Other guards would then whip the

soles of his feet, and the screams would grow louder. The whipping was done with a very thick piece of rubber, probably an engine belt from a large machine.

The guards beat the prisoners—at the very least, each prisoner got more than 50 lashes. During the whipping, a guard would stand on the prisoner’s back to prevent him from moving and the major would make fun of the prisoners as they were being tortured. This is a verbatim dialogue of the conversation between the major and a prisoner undergoing torture:

Major: What do you do?

Prisoner: I’m a farmer.

Major: So you know what a tractor sounds like.

Prisoner: Yes sir, I know.

Major: So let’s see. Make me the sound of a tractor or else the beating won’t stop.

Prisoner: I swear, I don’t know how, sir.

Major: You don’t know, or you forgot?

Prisoner: I forgot, I forgot the sound.

Major to the guards: So remind him (an order to whip him).

The guards gave him more than 20 lashes and the prisoner screamed.

The major stopped the guards and asked the prisoner: So, have you remembered?

Prisoner: Yes, yes, I’ve remembered.

Major: So do it, make the sound of a tractor.

The prisoner began making a tractor-like sound while the major and guards laughed for five minutes.

The major ordered the prisoner to be quiet: So, you remembered quite well. Now c’mon, make him forget the sound again.

He ordered a new round of beating and the guards gave him more than 20 lashes.

At this point, another prisoner had nearly passed out from his own screaming. The major stopped the guards and threw water on the prisoner’s face.

Major: Are you okay?

Prisoner: If you want to whip me, whip me, but don’t let anyone stand on my back. I swear, I can’t breathe.

15

Instead of stopping the torture, the major followed his wishes and he was whipped without having a guard stand on his back to restrain him. This torture session lasted more than two and a half hours, after which the prisoners were stuffed four in a cell, as small as mine.

The second group of prisoners was larger. This time a different officer, a captain, came, but the captain also kept his sense of humor while torturing the prisoners.

During the whippings, he would ask the guards to stop and then order the prisoner restrained by the car tire to sing. He would say, “Sing this song by so-and-so,” and then later the singing would be used to justify more torture. The captain would scream, “Shut up! Shut up! Your voice is disgusting. Give me a scream instead of a song,” and then he would gesture at the guards to resume the whipping.

Later the captain would order the prisoner to bark, howl, or make other animal sounds. After one prisoner began howling like a dog at the captain’s order, the captain shouted at the guards, “I told you he’s a dog. Go ahead and beat him.” The guards then began beating him again.

This torture session lasted more than three hours, after which the prisoners were placed in solitary cells like mine.

Three prisoners arrived individually, not part of groups. The three were severely beaten. Apparently, if a prisoner arrives by himself, it gives the guards more time to be creative with the beating.

One prisoner, Khidr Abdullah Ramadan, reached the Sednaya Prison on about April 18, 2006, after being held for 70 days at a military detention branch run by Military Intelligence.

The prisoner was placed in the “tire” and four guards began whipping him. They competed to see who could cause him the most pain, who could make him scream more. I started to count the lashes until I reached 58 and then stopped when I realized that the session would be a long one. During the whipping,

the guards began getting inventing new methods, like jumping up in the air and then bring the whip down on the prisoner’s feet. After whipping for more than 30 minutes, by four guards together, they couldn’t find any empty space in any cell. They sent for the first aide and he came. They told him there was no other place but with the journalist, meaning me. The aide vehemently refused and insisted on stuffing the prisoner into any other cell. At that point, one of the guards said, “We’ve got 131 prisoners in 31 solitary [cells], where should we go with him, sir?”

The aide opened the door of my cell, came up to me, and said, “Look, we didn’t treat you like the rest. We’re treating you much better. You know that. This prisoner’s going to share your cell. Talk is prohibited. If anything happens, it’s him we’ll beat. We’ll torture him very badly, and it’ll be on your

conscience.”

The young man, his head completely shaved, was brought into my cell, which was too small for just me alone. The guards forced him to jog for a half hour so the blood wouldn’t clot on his feet. They kept saying, “Trot, you animal.”I carried the young man to the toilet for three days after that since he could

not stand on his feet.

Abdullah, my cellmate, told me terrifying stories about the torture he had seen at the military interrogation center in Damascus. He had spent 70 days there in a group cell. He said that he wasn’t beaten at all at the branch, but that every day a prisoner would be taken in for interrogation and would be brought back bleeding on a blanket. The thing he most remembered was one prisoner who was severely injured by the torture. After he was carried on the military blanket and thrown down by the soldiers, he didn’t stop bleeding. The prisoners started screaming that he would die. The soldiers came back with some gauze and disinfectant and threw them through the small slot in the door of the cell and told the prisoners to clean up his wounds.

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Often the soldiers, the prison guards at the Sednaya Prison, would force the prisoners to make sport. A guard would open the small slot in the cell door and order the prisoners to lie down, stand up, jog, or jump, knowing that the cell wasn’t big enough for even one prisoner to do this. In some cases, the prisoners would bang on the cell door. When the guard would ask who it was, the prisoner had to answer with his cell number; the use of names was prohibited. Most often, the prisoners asked for water. The water in the cells had been cut off and was turned on for only ten minutes three

times a day. When the water was turned on, the guards would tell the prisoners to fill their plastic containers or to use the toilet. The scarcity of water was a big problem in the Sednaya Prison. I spent 55 days in that filthy cell, bathing only once. Prisoners began scratching themselves. The guards were worried and sent for the prison

doctor an officer at the rank of first lieutenant, who diagnosed the problem as scabies. He ordered the guards to distribute a gallon of hot water to every prisoner, and he gave them a disinfectant solution which they put in the water. That was the only time I bathed.

After that, I spent 18 days in a group cell on the third floor, measuring 9 by 6 meters. It was very large. I was placed in there with my father, the writer Ali al-Abdullah, who told me about cases that were totally like what I had seen.

In the two months we spent there together, I learned for certain that as soon as any prisoner arrives tothe Sednaya Prison, he is greeted the same way, in what is known as a welcoming party, or thewelcoming tire. The beating is very severe, after which he is placed in a solitary cell with three otherprisoners for up to one full year, during which time he does not breathe, or see light or sunshine. He only bathes if the doctor orders it, fearing the spread of scabies or other skin diseases.

Other individual torture cases

The following section contains a list of torture cases documented by various Syrian human rights organizations (the individual organization is mentioned with each case).

On January 25, 2009, Mahmoud Ibrahim was arrested by State Security police in al-Raqqa after being accused of distributing copies of a paper for the Kurdish Democratic Progressive Party in Syria. He was taken to a facility where he was severely tortured for three hours with no consideration for his basic human rights; he was then released.30 From December 2005 to March 2006, Air Force Intelligence in Damascus arrested eight young men, most of them students at Damascus University, after they established a blog and electronic discussion forum on the Internet. The eight students were held incommunicado by Air Force Intelligence for more than eight months, after which they were transferred to the Sednaya Prison

and tried before the Supreme State Security Court.

While in detention, the students were whipped on their backs with electrical cables, doused in cold water, placed in the tire, beaten all over their bodies, stripped naked in front of one another, and tortured individually while the rest were made to watch.31

After four months of torture at the Air Force Intelligence facility in Damascus by Captain Yarab 30 See statement (in Arabic) from the Syrian Human Rights Committee issued on January 28, 2009, available at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d6/3836.aspx .

31 Interview with the families of five students; the families were allowed to see their children after their conviction in the Sednaya Prison.

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al-Tawil and under the supervision of Gen. Mohammed Ihsan, the chief of the branch facility, the eight students were transferred to another Air Force Intelligence facility in al-Mazza, headed at that time by Gen. Jamil al-Hassan. The students were interrogated there as well, with constant torture.

They were also denied food, given only one meal a day.32 After months of torture and interrogation at the al-Mazza facility, the eight students were moved to the Sednaya Prison, where they were met with a “tire party.”33 The beating was very severe, thus corresponding to the warning of the Air Force Intelligence. One of the students, Hossam Melham was psychologically traumatized and stopped talking for weeks; the prison administration was forced to move him to another wing and allow him outside for fresh air fearing he would commit suicide. Maher Isbar Baksour was injured in his feet and hands during the beating and required treatment at the Tishrin Military Hospital. The students were placed in two solitary cells (four per

cell) for seven months.

III- Torture before the Courts: absence of investigations and admission of confessions obtained under torture The first session of the students’ trial before the Supreme State Security Court was set 18 months after their arrest, in order to allow the signs of torture to fade. Apparently, they did not fade in that time period, prompting the court to postpone its examination of the detainees for four additional months. In the end, the detainees were finally questioned by a judge 21 months after they had been

arrested and tortured.

In court, Judge Fayez al-Nuri confronted seven of the students -- one had received a Presidential pardon -- with their confessions. Maher Isbar responded: “Go out in the street right now and grab me any citizen and let me give him only one-fourth of the torture I have experienced and I guarantee you he will confess to whatever you want, even to crimes committed before he was born.” The Judge replied, “Do you mean to say that you were tortured?” Another student, Omar al- Abdullah, answered that the word torture did not describe the reality of what they had experienced.

“You could say we were violated,”34 he said.

The Judge insulted the two students and ordered the clerk of the Court to write:“They affirmed statements made to Air Force Intelligence and repeated their confessions and statements before the Court.”35

Five of the students were sentenced to five years in prison while two others to seven years. In short, students who were arbitrarily arrested, held incommunicado, tortured, and had their false confessions used against them in a Court were finally brought before a judge 21 months after their arrest, who disregarded their testimonies and condemned them to prison sentences.

In principle, confessions extracted by torture or under duress cannot be used as evidence in Court,in accordance with Article 180 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which does not give immediate seizure any additional evidentiary weight beyond regular information. In addition, if the defendant claims that he was tortured, the judge is obliged to open an investigation into these allegations and hold those responsible to account if the allegations are proven true.

32 Ibid.

33 See the testimony of Muhammad Ali al-Abdullah above for the “welcoming party” at the Sednaya Prison. 34 “Violated”: translation from “tankil” in Arabic, intended to mean worse than “tortured”. 35 An interview with three of the seven lawyers who attended the session; their names have been withheld.

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However, a review of the trials in the State Security Court over the last two years36 reveals that 33 defendants alleged before the judge that they had been tortured and that the security services had extracted confessions from them by force and torture; in no case did the Court take any measure to open an investigation into these claims.

The following are examples of the claims made by the 33 defendants, as taken directly from the Human Rights Watch report, Far from Justice: “On November 11, 2007, Ali al-Kurdi, a Syrian Kurd living in Qamishli, told the SSSC that his interrogators had tortured him and made him sign a confession without reading it. He alleged that he only learned later that he had confessed to planning to commit terrorist acts. He repeated his torture allegations at the following session on February 24, 2008.

On November 18, 2007, Ibrahim Kabaro told the SSSC that the Palestine Branch of

the Military Intelligence held him incommunicado during nine days and during that time coerced him into confessing that he owned books by the salafi Sheikh Mahmud Aghassi (known in Syria as Abu al-Qa’qa’) and that he had sold some of them.

On November 25, 2007, Abdel Rahman al-Basiri told the SSSC that the security

services beat and tortured him and that the traces of the torture were still visible on his body.

The judge refused to allow him to show the physical evidence on his body. On February 24, 2008, Abdel Majeed Ghuneim and Abdel Rahman al-Nu`aimi told

the SSSC that Syrian security services coerced them into confessing that they were salafis who wanted to blow up a statue of President al-Asad.” Syrian lawyers and human rights activists estimate that the Syrian security forces have tortured more defendants who appear from the SSSC, but that many of them do not dare to mention the torture to the court because security representatives attend the trials.

In some cases, the defendant has removed his clothes in the courtroom to show the judge traces of torture. One lawyer told Human Rights Watch, “I have witnessed a number of defendants trying to show signs of torture on their bodies before the judge.” One defendant described the end of his, the day the verdict was issued: “Just after Fayez al-Nouri [the presiding judge of the SSSC] sentenced me, I took off my shirt to show the diplomats and lawyers in the audience the traces of torture on

my back. Immediately, members of security jumped on me.”

Based on the testimony of several former detainees, the most commonly used forms of torture by the security forces to extract a confession include beating and kicking all over the body, particularly beatings on the soles of the feet. One defendant described the torture he experienced at a Political Security branch while being interrogated in 2003: “The investigation began. It involved beating and more beating. Ali Makhlouf [head of political security] was present. The investigation lasted for 12 days. Two sessions of beatings per day. They beat me on the bottom of my feet, on my head. After 20 days in detention, they took me to an office and told me to sign my confession. I said, ‘I want to read it.’ I was beaten again, forced to thumb print the

confession and sign. I never managed to read it.”37

Interrogators use several devices to prevent detainees from moving and facilitate the beating. One defendant who was sentenced before the Supreme State Security Court in November 2005 36 See Human Rights Watch’s report, Far from Justice at http://www.hrw.org/en/reports/2009/02/23/far-justice-0 .February 2009 37 Ibid.

19

described “the tire” to Human Rights Watch, a common form of torture in which security forces compel the victim to lie down and bend his knees and then place a car tire over his legs to keep the soles of his feet exposed: “They [Air Force intelligence members] put me in a tire to expose the bottom of my feet and started beating me with a cane. Whenever I would lose feeling from the repeated hits, they would throw water on my feet so that it would hurt again. Afterwards, they would make me strip and stand in the cold March weather.”38

Another detainee sentenced by the Supreme State Security Court in October 2004 described how members of Political Security tortured him in 2003 after binding him to a wooden plank known as “the flying carpet”:

“After they tied me down, they started stepping on my legs, hands and stomach. Then they beat me with a cane and a cable. After beating me, they forced me to do exercises to get the blood circulating again. At one point, they even used electricity on me. It was on my big toe. But the most common form was the beating.”39

Despite repeated claims before the Supreme State Security Court that the security apparatus uses torture to extract confession, the court has ordered no investigation. It continues to rely on confessions signed by defendants who have been held incommunicado by security services.

According to a lawyer who has appeared several times before the Supreme State Security Court, “Fayez al-Nuri’s [the SSSC chief judge] reaction to the torture complaints was to mock them, saying that all defendants repeat these allegations.”40

Another lawyer who has repeatedly appeared before the same court expressed his frustration at his inability to contest confessions extracted by the security apparatus:

“Unfortunately, the court accepts these confessions and bases its judgments—in the vast majority of cases—on these confessions alone. It is very difficult for a lawyer to have the opportunity to challenge these confessions or prove otherwise.”41

In November 2002, Judge Nuri ejected lawyer and rights activist Anwar al-Bunni from the courtroom after he insisted on an investigation into claims that the security apparatus had tortured his client, Aref Dalila, during his detention.

IV- Incommunicado detention Far from taking “all appropriate measures to abolish de facto incommunicado detention” as recommended by HRC’s experts in 2005, the Syrian authorities seem to turn a blind eye on a recurrent punitive measure. This punitive measure remains common and can be imposed at the discretion of prison administrators, as one of the applicable disciplinary measures against prisoners.

Some prisoners are likely to spend months or years in solitary confinement to be punished r pressured into cooperating with security institutions.

Nearly all political prisoners and most other prisoners (a large percentage of criminal offenders) have spent periods in complete isolation from the outside world without any outside inspection.

38 Ibid.

39 Ibid.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid.

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Such incommunicado detention increases the likelihood of torture taking place and allows the physical signs of torture to fade unseen and hence render it impossible to prove if an investigation is indeed opened.

In February 2010, Kurdish citizen Aziz Khalil Mohammed was taken to the National Hospital in al-Raqqa following torture by his interrogators. He is still detained and his whereabouts are unknown.42

On December 26, 2009, four Kurdish political leaders were arrested in Alhasaka. As of the writing of this report (mid-February 2010), they were still in isolation and neither their families nor attorneys had any knowledge of their whereabouts, exposing them to the risk of torture and other forms of mistreatment.43

On December 12, 2009, lawyer Mustafa Ismail was arrested by Air Force Intelligence and is still detained incommunicado, exposing him to the risk of torture and ill-treatment.44

On November 15, 2009, political activist Yousef Dheeb al-Hmoud was arrested in his home in the province of Deir al-Zor. As of the writing of this report, he remains detained in an undisclosed  location. All efforts by his lawyers and family to reach him have failed, although his family informed the security apparatus that he is living with one kidney and his health is in critical condition.45

On August 15, 2008, Kurdish political leader Mesha’l al-Tammo was arrested by Air Force Intelligence. He was detained incommunicado for more than two weeks before he appeared in Court.46

In August-September 2008, 13 people were arrested in the province of Deir al-Zor. Three were released while the others remain arbitrarily detained in isolation from the outside world, which puts them at risk of torture. It was discovered that one of the detainees, Muhammad Amin al-Shawa, died seven months after he was arrested, as a consequence of his detention. His body was turned

over to his family.47

On July 31, 2008, the wives of detained Islamists were arrested after they launched a campaign for the release of their spouses. Three women were arrested and were detained from six months to one year in incommunicado detention before being released.48 For the entire time of their detention, their families were unable to obtain any information about their whereabouts.

During a security campaign starting on December 9, 2007, 12 members of the National Council of the Damascus Declaration for Democratic National Change, a collective opposition and pro- 42 See the statement from the MAD Committee for Human Rights in Syria, “I’tiqalat wa mudahamat wa qatl taht al-ta’dhib,” Feb.

12, 2010, at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d17/4067.aspx .

43 See efforts by Amnesty International to discover the fate of the four detainees (English):

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE24/001/2010/en/a978f9ad-8470-492f-9571-5e27864fff73/mde240012010en.html .

44 For more information, see Amnesty International (English),

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE24/038/2009/en/eee80ad7-c98f-4fa5-8237-6f8dd97acfca/mde240382009en.html .

45 For more information, see Amnesty International (English),

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE24/034/2009/en/9cb214ab-6ae4-4856-97e1-f4416ad9fe86/mde240342009en.html .

46 For more information, see Amnesty International (English),

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE24/027/2008/en/f76636ff-779b-11dd-8e5e-43ea85d15a69/mde240272008en.html .

47 For more information see Human Rights Watch (English), http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2009/04/15/syria-reveal-fate-17-heldincommunicado.

48 For more information see Human Rights Watch (English), http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2008/08/17/syria-wives-islamistsuspects-

detained-whereabouts-unknown and Amnesty International (English),

http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/MDE24/020/2009/en/02c599a3-2cb6-4219-8ecd-17e6c2d8a914/mde240202009eng.html

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democracy movement comprising more than 160 Syrian political activists, human rights defenders, intellectuals and artists , were arrested. They were held from 3 to 5 weeks incommunicado in an undisclosed location that was later revealed to be premises of the State Security Intelligence. The incommunicado detention allowed the security apparatus to mistreat and beat them during questioning. Eight of the defendants claimed to the investigating magistrate that they had been beaten during their interrogation and forced to sign false confessions. One of them, writer Ali al-

Abdullah, was examined by a doctor after his eardrum burst during the beating. No independent investigation was ordered regarding their allegations and the forensic physician to whom al- Abdullah was referred refused to submit a medical report about the status of his ear.49

The foregoing cases—merely examples of a broader phenomenon—show how the security apparatus arrests activists, intellectuals, and political dissidents and detains them incommunicado without allowing them to see either their families or lawyers, which greatly heightens the risk of torture and makes it more difficult to prove. In addition, incommunicado detention for long periods of time is itself a form of cruel, inhumane, and degrading treatment that can be classified as psychological torture.

V-Enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests and detentions As illustrated in some of the above-mentioned cases, incommunicado detention cases are often linked to arbitrary arrests and/or enforced disappearances in security interrogation premisses,

sometimes for months or even years before arraignment in flagrant violations of the international human rights standards.

Over the past decades and in particular in the 1980′s and 1990′s, security bodies carried out waves of arrests, detaining hundreds of suspects and their relatives for long periods of time. Cases of enforced disappearances could last a few months, or several years. According to the information received, on occasion, some suspects were even unlawfully executed.

Enforced disappearances have been a pillar of Syrian authoritarianism since “The Events” of the early 1980s. Armed confrontations between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Syrian regime led to the disappearance of many citizens. Nearly 17,000 people went missing in prisons and interrogation centers since 1979. Some sources claim the number is 25,000. Many experts confirm that these numbers are just stimates that may hide frightening numbers of missing persons. Both political arrests and forced disappearances are at the forefront of the Syrian regime’s violations of  human rights. Indeed, political arrests by the security branches were, in most cases, a prelude to enforced disappearances which Syrian citizens suffered.

Syrian citizens are usually arrested at their homes, workplaces or upon arrival at the airport after returning from abroad. In such cases, they are not given the opportunity to object, to seek legal counsel, or to contact their families. The security agency conducting the arrest often does not identify itself and does not clarify the reason of arrest to the arrested person or his/her family.

Sometimes, the wanted person is summoned to a security branch office, from which he will never return. When a family inquires to the branch which summoned their son, they receive either inconclusive answers as to the whereabouts of their loved one or a total denial of his detention.

Such arrests themselves constitute inhuman treatment that lead to significant deleterious effects on 49 For more information see Human Rights Watch (English), http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2008/02/04/syria-opposition-activiststell-

beatings-interrogation and the Observatory for the protection of Human Rights defenders, http://www.fidh.org/Unfair-trialof-

12-members-of-the-National 22

the detainee and his family. The effects of what happens after the initial detention are more severe.

Lack of control over the security services and the exclusion of the rule of law and judiciary in such cases unleash their hands to practice brutality. Torture by various means is a common tool to extract confessions.50 Political detainees, those forcibly disappeared, and missing persons belong to a variety of political trends.51 Most such cases occurred before 2000, and many detainees have been released during the

past few years. The fate of missing persons remains unknown. The largest number of missing persons and the forcibly disappeared belonged to the Muslim Brotherhood. Members of communist and other leftist parties, different Palestinian groups, and Lebanese citizens from different political groups were also targeted. Some detainees belonged to the Iraqi Ba‘th Party, Nasserist parties, or the Islamic Liberation Party. Others were taken hostage instead of their wanted relatives.52  Although decades have passed since the peak of enforced disappearances in Syria, the subject is still

cause for official indifference and silence. Speaking in public about the details of this tragedy is not permitted. Syrian authorities adopted a policy of hiding the truth instead of offering reparations and justice to the victims. The security services attempt to control Syrians’ collective memory and prevent the public from learning of human rights violations. No official initiative has been taken towards a just resolution of the issue. Similarly, any civil society initiative addressing the file is forbidden. In this climate, official repression and various human rights violations continue. A Syrian

human rights activist, who asked not to be named, said: “Raising the issue of enforced disappearances, as with other violations of human rights, requires the cooperation of the victim or his/her relatives. Relatives of victims of enforced disappearances in

Syria are wary to raise their cases publicly, first because most cases of enforced disappearances are related to events with political, social, and sectarian dimensions still sensitive today with the current regime. Secondly, talking about this subject is considered a red line by the authorities, as they have not resolved this issue and still follow the same oppressive and exclusionary approach today.”53

Political arrests and enforced disappearances became systematic and continuous during the late 1970s and early 1980s, coinciding with the outbreak of violent conflict between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Syrian regime. The regime started to use unmitigated violence not only against the armed Islamist organizations but also against the entire spectrum of opposition parties and their supporters among Syrian society. This culminated in a number of massacres that killed thousands of civilians, most notably the massacre of Hama in February 1982.54 The massacre of Palmyra on June 27, 1980, followed an assassination attempt on President Hafez al-Asad. Hundreds of detainees were shot at the notorious military prison. Human rights groups estimate that about 1,000 victims were buried in unknown mass graves. Their families were not informed of their fate.

There are no official statistics about the numbers of missing persons for that period.55 Detainees were held in one of the security service branches throughout the investigation before being transferred to one of the notorious prisons assigned for political prisoners, like Palmyra and al- Mezza Military Prisons. “In some cases, detainees died from severe torture in the security branch. 50 See ‘Abd al-Hay al-Sayyid, “Accountability of Security Services in Syria within Syrian Law,” al-Nahar, July 16, 2005.

51 It should be noted that the term “missing” refers usually to anyone who cannot prove a link between his disappearance and official authorities or State organs, but we use the term here as identical to enforced disappearance, since it is the term most

commonly used in the literature regarding: legal file of enforced disappearance in Syria. 52 Post- jail pathways: Conditions of released political and conscience prisoners in Syria. (Damascus Center for Human Rights Studies, May 2006).

53 Interview with Syrian rights activist who asked not to be named, October 2009.

54 For more details about the massacre see: Report by the Syrian Committee for Human Rights, The massacre of Hama in February 1982: A genocide and a crime against humanity, February 2, 2006.

55 See: Statement by the Syrian Committee for Human Rights, on March 4, 2006, which included the names of about 4,000 people allegedly enforced disappeared in Syria.

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More commonly, they were killed while in prison, either as a result of daily torture and inhuman living conditions, or as a result of military executions, especially with the enactment of Law 49 of 1980,” said one political prisoner detained for 18 years due to suspected membership in a leftist party.56 Long-time Syrian Minister of Defense General Mustafa Tlas told Germany’s Der Spiegel that he approved 150–200 execution decisions issued by field military courts against political prisoners every week for two decades. Tlas later denied this statement.

However, the testimonies of scores, of former detainees prove that thousands of lives were taken without legal documentation, leaving their fate unknown to their families and communities. A former political prisoner described the situation in Palmyra Military Prison: “They called on groups of brothers every Monday and Thursday, and executed them by hanging in the courts of Palmyra Prison … It became known to us that those summoned on those two days would be executed. They would pray for martyrdom and leave their clothes with the brothers, only going in sporting trousers.”57

Hundreds, if not thousands, are subjected to similar horrors today due to the absence of laws deterring such practices or accountability measures. Detainees are subjected to enforced disappearance for months that might extend to years. They are often transferred to more than one security branch, while his presence is denied, making his location and fate completely unknown to his family. Now, families are allowed to visit detainees after several years of detention. However, this does not mitigate the impact on parents and children throughout the period of the disappearance.

VI-Unlawful deprivation of life: Sednaya events One of the most recent incidents of enforced disappearance is the unknown fates of dozens of detainees of Sednaya Military Prison. Since July 2008, authorities have refused to give any information. Reports circulate among the prison inmates that many were killed and injured.58

VII- Unexplained deaths under torture and deterrence of families to look for truth

The number of people who have died in Syria under torture is unknown, first and foremost due to the difficulty of accessing such information, but also because the security apparatus threatens the detainee’s family, telling them they will meet the same fate if they speak of the torture. In most cases, families are not allowed to examine the body, which is buried in the presence of security

personnel, if it is turned over to the family at all.

The following is a non exhaustive list compiled by various Syrian human rights organizations of confirmed deaths under torture. No investigation has been ordered following these unexplained deaths.

Muhammad Amin al-Shawa

Born in Deir al-Zor in 1966, married with children, he received a degree from the Math Institute in 56 Interview made on August 2009 with a former political prisoner detained from 1980 to 1998.

57 Mohamed Salim Hamasd , a Jordanian prisoner who was detained for 11 years in Palmyra military prison 58 For details about what happened in the prison and the fate of the prisoners, see: Human Rights Watch, “Syria: Disclose Fate of

Detainees,” July 3, 2009. The report is available at: http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/07/03/syria-disclose-fate-detainees

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computer science. He was detained for nearly four months, it is thought on suspicion of being an Islamist but no explicit reason for his arrest neither official charges have been given. His body was turned over to his family on January 10th, 2009.59 According to Human Rights Watch, the security services attended the burial and did not allow the family to examine the body, but only see the face of the deceased.60 The family was also prohibited from holding a funeral service or wake.61 Abdullah Elias al-Beitar Aged 31, born in the province of Daraa, married with one child. He was employed at the BEMO Bank in Damascus and detained on charges of embezzlement for 40 days at the Criminal Security facility in Damascus, during which time he was tortured. He died of torture on October 27, 2008, and his body was turned over to his family two days later on October 29.62 According to information published on the electronic news website, Kulluna Shuraka, Abdullah Elias al-Beitar was detained and questioned for 40 days, during which his brother heard from other

inmates that his health had deteriorated due to torture. His brother went to Criminal Security to protest and asked to see Abdullah, at which point he was arrested as well.

A few days after his brother’s arrest, Abdullah died. An eyewitness who was able to see the body said that the head of the deceased was covered and he saw traces of blood, as well as blood between his legs.63 Jamil Abdullah Ahmed Hanaysha

Palestinian born in Kuwait, and resident of Jordan, he worked as a car salesman. He was visiting Syria on business when he was detained in August 2007, after which his family learned he was detained but didn’t get any informaiton about his whereabouts. He died ten months after his arrest.

There are conflicting reports of his death: some reports claim he died as a result of electrocution,while others say his death resulted from a hunger strike or torture.64 No investigation was launched on this case.

Ahmed Aref Omar

Syrian Kurd born in 1988, he was a recruit performing his compulsory service in the Syrian army in Brigade 116 stationed in Daraa in the Nawa area. His body was turned over to his family on September 1, 2009. Military officials informed the family that he had been electrocuted. When the family received his body, however, they found traces of beatings and torture, and a deep slash in his head, covered by a piece of gauze to camouflage it and staunch the bleeding.65

Over the last two years, 26 soldiers of Kurdish origin deceased in dubious circumstances during their compulsory military service. No investigation into the circumstances of their deaths has been undertaken.

59 See the statement from the Syrian Human Rights Organization-Sawasiyah at http://shro-syria.com/2008/content/view/95/1 .

60 See “Syria: Reveal Fate of 17 Held Incommunicado,” at http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2009/04/15/syria-reveal-fate-17-heldincommunicado

61 See the statement from Sawasiyah at http://shro-syria.com/2008/content/view/95/1 .

62 Ibid.

63 See Kulluna Shuraka, “Hal qutila ‘Abdullah Ilyas al-Baytar taht al-ta’dhib fi Suriya?” Nov. 2, 2008, at http://www.shril-sy.info/

modules/news/article.php?storyid=2598 .

64 See “Wafat Filistini fi sijn bi-Suriya ba’d ‘am ‘ala ikhtifa’ihi,” al-Jazira al-Sa’udiya, Aug. 22, 2008, at http://www.shrc.org/data/

aspx/d8/3668.aspx .

65 See the statement from the Syrian Human Rights Organization-MAF, “Wafat al-‘askari al-thamin wa-l-‘ishrin sa’aqan bi-lkahraba’ wa hadith ‘an athar ta’dhib ‘ala jasadihi,” Sept. 3, 2009, at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d4/3984.aspx .

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Mohammed Masto Rashid

Syrian Kurd from the village of Hasna near Maabatli in the Afrin district of Aleppo. He was detained for nearly 14 months after which he was transferred to the Aleppo District Prison. He was tortured so severely that he had to be moved to the Fever Hospital in Aleppo, where he remained for four days. He was then returned to the prison, and his death was announced on January 19, 2010.

He was not known for any involvement in politics and the reason for his arrest was also unknown.66

VIII -- Extradition of refugees at risk of torture Under Article 34 of the Syrian Constitution, the government of Syria is obligated not to surrender refugees seeking political asylum: “Political refugees [made refugees] by dint of their political principles or their defense of freedom shall not be extradited.”

This obligation is even clearer in cases in which those seeking asylum have obtained refugee status from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, at which point the Syrian government is bound by the Constitution and international agreements.

Article 3 of the Convention Against Torture states that no person shall be forced to return to his country if he believes he will face torture therein.

Despite these stipulations Syrian authorities have arrested dozens of Iranian refugees in Syria and turned over at least 12 of them to the Iranian authorities between September 2005 and September 2008,67 most of whom had obtained refugee status from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Damascus.

Arrests usually take place in the airport, often only minutes before travel. The Syrian government has no doubts that these fugitives are wanted by the Iranian authorities for their political activity and that they will face torture and ill-treatment; indeed, a number of them had already been sentenced to death in absentia, meaning they will face death. The Annex to this report contains a list of Iranian refugees arrested in Syria between September 2005 and September 2008, some of whom have been

turned over to the Iranian authorities.

66 See the statement from the MAD Committee for Human Rights in Syria at http://www.shrc.org/data/aspx/d17/4067.aspx .

67 See the statement from the Ahwaz Human Rights Organization (English),

http://www.ahwazstudies.org/content/view/2428/69/lang,english .

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Part 3: Recommendations

CIHRS, DCHRS and FIDH urge the Government of Syria to : On respect of International Human Rights Law and cooperation with UN bodies: Adopt a definition of torture in conformity with Article 1 of the Convention Against Torture, as previously recommended by the Committee Against Torture Ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention Against Torture and the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance

Invite the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture who submitted two visit requests to Syria in 2005 but has received no reply

Invite the UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers

Invite the UN Special Rapporteur on Extra-judicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions

On the rule of Law and fight against impunity:

Lift the state of emergency by abrogating the law of emergency ;

Amend Syrian laws and in particular laws and legislative decrees creating and regulating the security bodies according to international human rights standards and in particular in order to put an end to the immunity and therefore impunity of main perpetrators of human rights abuses

Make all legal documents public including those pertaining to the security bodies

Immediately investigate allegations of torture in a thorough and impartial manner (including those raised in this report), ensure the accountability of those responsible and provide effective remedies and rehabilitation to the victims

Take the necessary measures to guarantee the independence of the judiciary

On conditions of detention:

Take measures to effectively end the practice of incommunicado detention and eradicate all forms of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment by law enforcement officials, as previously recommended by the Human Rights Committee. In particular, ensure that relatives of detainees are promptly informed about their whereabouts

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Allow visits of all detainees by independent bodies

On guarantees of fair trial:

Dissolve State Security Courts and all exceptional jurisdictions and ensure full guarantees to the right to a fair trial and judicial independence.

Ensure immediate access of detainees to legal representation, including for detainees tried before exceptional jurisdictions.

Immediately release all persons detained because of their activities in the field of human rights and end all harassment and intimidation of human rights defenders.

Take urgent steps to amend all legislation that restricts the activities of these organizations, in particular state of emergency legislation which must not be used as an excuse to suppress activities aimed at the promotion and protection of human rights.

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ANNEX: List of Iranian refugees arrested in Syria between 2005 and 2008

No. Name Status Date of arrest Fate

1 Said Awda Saki Ahwazi citizen 9/15/2005 Arrested by Palestine Branch of

Syrian Military Intelligence; turned over to Iranian authorities

2 Rasool Mezrea68 Ahwazi 5/11/2006 Extradited to Iran

3 Faleh Abdullah al-Mansuri Ahwazi 5/11/2006 President of the Ahwazi

Liberation Organization;

arrested after his arrival from the Netherlands; turned over to the Iranian authorities on 5/16/2006 4 Taher Ali Mezrea Ahwazi 5/11/2006 Spokesman for the Popular

Democratic Front of the Ahwazi People; turned over to Iran 5 Jamal Obeidawi69 Ahwazi 5/11/2006 Member of Damascus bureau of the Popular Democratic

Front for the Liberation of Ahwaz; turned over to Iran 6 Mousa Sawari Member of Damascus bureau of the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Ahwaz

5/11/2006 Conflicting reports on whether he was released or remains in detention

7 Ahmed Abd al-Jabbar Ahwazi 5/11/2006 Conflicting reports on whether

he was released or remains in detention 8 Eissa al-Musawi Ahwazi 5/11/2006 Conflicting reports on whether he was released or remains in detention

9 Abd al-Rahim Sheikha Ahwazi citizen 14/4/2007 Accepted as refugee in

Australia and arrested at airport; unconfirmed if he was turned over to Iran

10 Ali Bouzar70 Ahwazi citzen, age 24 3/6/2007 Came to Syria on a fake Iraqi

passport three months after he was sentenced to death by the Revolutionary Court; UNHCR in Syria did not recognize him as a refugee despite submission of documents proving he had been sentenced to death; according to the Ahwazi Center for Human Rights, he was turned over to Iran 12 hours 68 “Syria Deports 3 Ahwazi Arabs to Iran to Face Torture,” at http://www.ahwazstudies.org/content/view/1356/69/lang,english .

69 For more information on the four foregoing cases, see Amnesty International (English), http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/

MDE13/130/2006/en/05020704-d3d0-11dd-8743-d305bea2b2c7/mde131302006en.html . [I corrected this link so it would go to

the proper place] 70 For more information on Bouzar, see the statement from the Ahwaz Studies Center (English),

http://www.ahwazstudies.org/content/view/1767/69/lang,english/ .

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after his arrest 11 Ahmed Asadi Ahwazi citizen, age 30, medical student in final year

3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 12 Salahuddin Helali Majd Ahwazi citizen, age 24, medical student in final year 3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 13 Kamal Naseri 3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 14 Afnan Bin Youssef Azizi 3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 15 Sadoun Saadi 3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 16 Jabir Ebayat71 Sociology student at Damascus University 3/6/2007 No information as to whether extradited or released 17 Masouma al-Kaabi (with her five children) Ahwazi 9/27/2008 Arrested with her five children

while at the airport on her way to Denmark, where she had received asylum; wife of the leader of the Ahwazi movement; turned over to the Iranian authorities 18 Mohammad Nohairi Bani-Skini72 36 22/1/2008 Refugee status from the UNHCR; accepted as a refugee  in Sweden; arrested at airport leaving Syria for Sweden; no

information as to whether turned over to Iran or not 19 Said Hammadi Ahwazi 2008 Arrested in Syria at airport by State Security while leaving country; turned over to Iran, where he is currently detained 71 For more information on the seven foregoing cases, see Human Rights Watch (English), http://www.hrw.org/ar/news/2007/04/04/syria-ethnic-arab-refugees-face-persecution-if-returned-iran ; see also a statement from the UNHCR on the extradition of four of the seven refugees, “UNHCR Extremely Concerned for Ahwazi Refugees Extradited

from Syria to Iran,” at http://www.ahwazstudies.org/content/view/1403/69/lang,english .

72 For more information, see “Rights Group: Syrian Authorities Detained Iranian Arab,” at < http://www.ahwazstudies.org/content/

view/2828/69/lang,english> .

Overview

Freedoms of expression, association, and assembly remained tightly restricted throughout 2009, especially with regard to certain groups, such as the Kurdish minority. Syria’s opposition in exile split during the year, ending an uneasy alliance between secularists and Islamists. On the international front, Syria and Lebanon exchanged ambassadors, and although the United States announced that it would send an ambassador to Damascus, none had been named by year’s end.

The modern state of Syria was established by the French after World War I and gained formal independence in 1946. Democratic institutions functioned intermittently until the Arab Socialist Baath Party seized power in a 1963 coup and transformed Syria into a one-party state governed under emergency law. During the 1960s, power shifted from civilian ideologues to army officers, most of whom belonged to Syria’s Alawite minority (adherents of an Islamic sect who make up 12 percent of the population). This trend culminated in General Hafez al-Assad’s rise to power in 1970.

The regime cultivated a base of support that spanned sectarian and ethnic divisions, but relied on Alawite domination of the security establishment and the suppression of dissent. In 1982, government forces stormed the northern city of Hama to crush a rebellion by the opposition Muslim Brotherhood, killing as many as 20,000 insurgents and civilians.

Bashar al-Assad took power after his father’s death in 2000, pledging to liberalize Syria’s politics and economy. The first six months of his presidency featured the release of political prisoners, the return of exiled dissidents, and open discussion of the country’s problems. In February 2001, however, the regime abruptly halted this so-called Damascus Spring. Leading reformists were arrested and sentenced to lengthy prison terms, while others faced constant surveillance and intimidation by the secret police. Economic reform fell by the wayside, and Syria under Bashar al-Assad proved resistant to political change.

Reinvigorated by the toppling of Iraq’s Baathist regime in 2003, Syria’s secular and Islamist dissidents began cooperating and pushing for the release of political prisoners, the cancellation of the state of emergency, and the legalization of opposition parties. Syria’s Kurdish minority erupted into eight days of rioting in March 2004. At least 30 people were killed as security forces suppressed the riots and made some 2,000 arrests.

Despite hints that sweeping political reforms would be drafted at a major Baath Party conference in 2005, no substantial measures were taken. In October 2005, representatives of all three segments of the opposition—the Islamists, the Kurds, and secular liberals—signed the Damascus Declaration for Democratic National Change (DDDNC), which called for the country’s leaders to step down and endorsed a broad set of liberal democratic principles.

In May 2006, exiled opposition leaders announced the creation of the National Salvation Front (NSF) to bring about regime change. Also that month, a number of Syrian political and human rights activists signed the Beirut-Damascus Declaration, which called for a change in Syrian-Lebanese relations and the recognition of Lebanese sovereignty. Many of the signatories were subsequently detained or sentenced to prison as part of a renewed crackdown that reversed the previous partial leniency on personal freedom.

In 2007, al-Assad won another term as president with 97.6 percent of the vote. In results that were similarly preordained by the electoral framework, the ruling Baath-dominated coalition won the majority of seats in that year’s parliamentary and municipal polls. Meanwhile, supporters of the DDDNC formed governing bodies for their alliance and renewed their activities, prompting a government crackdown that extended into 2008.

In 2009, the NSF fell apart, largely because the Muslim Brotherhood, in deference to the Syrian government’s support for the Palestinian militant group Hamas, suspended its opposition activities in the aftermath of Israel’s offensive in the Gaza Strip in January. One prominent secular NSF member, Bashar al-Sha’i, quit the opposition in April and returned to Syria after publicly apologizing to the government in July, and anotherDDDNC member, Michel Kilo, was released from prison at the end of his three-year sentence in May. Other leading human rights figures within Syria were jailed or faced new charges of “weakening national morale” or “spreading false information” during the year. Separately, al-Assad reshuffled his government in April, replacing five ministers and creating an environment ministry.

Syria’s diplomatic isolation eased somewhat in 2009. High-ranking officials from the United States met with Syrian leaders for the first time since 2005, Washington pledged to return an ambassador to Damascus, and Saudi Arabian diplomats held talks with Syrian officials. However, the U.S. ambassador had not been named by year’s end, the United States renewed existing sanctions on Syria, and progress on an Association Agreement with the European Union stalled.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

Syria is not an electoral democracy. Under the 1973 constitution, the president is nominated by the ruling Baath Party and approved by popular referendum for seven-year terms. In practice, these referendums are orchestrated by the regime, as are elections for the 250-seat, unicameral People’s Council, whose members serve four-year terms and hold little independent legislative power. Almost all power rests in the executive branch.

The only legal political parties are the Baath Party and its several small coalition partners in the ruling National Progressive Front (NPF). Independent candidates, who are heavily vetted and closely allied with the regime, are permitted to contest about a third of the People’s Council seats, meaning two-thirds are reserved for the NPF.

Regime officials and their families benefit from a range of illicit economic activities. Syria is slowly opening itself economically by removing heavy tariffs and eliminating subsidies, but these limited reforms benefit a small minority at the expense of average citizens. Corruption is widespread, and bribery is often necessary to navigate the bureaucracy. Syria was ranked 126 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2009 Corruption Perceptions Index.

Freedom of expression is heavily restricted. Vaguely worded articles of the penal code, the Emergency Law, and a 2001 Publications Law criminalize the publication of material that harms national unity, tarnishes the image of the state, or threatens the “goals of the revolution.” Many journalists, writers, and intellectuals have been arrested under these laws. Apart from a handful of radio stations with non-news formats, all broadcast media are state owned. However, satellite dishes are common, giving most Syrians access to foreign broadcasts. More than a dozen privately owned newspapers and magazines have sprouted up in recent years, and criticism of government policy is tolerated, provided it is nuanced and does not criticize the president. The 2001 press law permits the authorities to arbitrarily deny or revoke publishing licenses and compels private print outlets to submit all material to government censors. It also imposes punishment on reporters who do not reveal their sources in response to government requests. Since the Kurdish protests in 2004, the government has cracked down on journalists calling for the expansion of Kurdish or regional rights; the information minister fired a newspaper editor in Homs in August 2009 for publishing a column about regional identity.

Though a ban on the Saudi-owned, pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat was lifted in 2009, journalists in Syria continued to face harassment and intimidation in the form of short jail terms, travel bans, and confiscations of their notes. The Damascus office of the Dubai-based television station Al-Mashreq was closed in July for security reasons; 15 employees were held for questioning. Ibrahim al-Jaban, a prominent television journalist known for touching on taboo subjects, was banned from Syrian television in August.

Syrians access the internet only through state-run servers, which block more than 160 sites associated with the opposition, Kurdish politics, Islamic organizations, human rights, and certain foreign news services, particularly those in Lebanon. Social-networking and video-sharing websites such as Facebook and YouTube are also blocked. E-mail correspondence is reportedly monitored by intelligence agencies, which often require internet cafe owners to monitor customers. In practice, internet users often find ways around these restrictions, and poor connections and high costs tend to hinder access more effectively than government regulations. The government has been more successful in fostering self-censorship through intimidation; a dozen cyberdissidents are currently imprisoned. In September 2009, blogger Karim Antoine Arabji, who had written about corruption, was sentenced to three years in prison after already serving nearly two years in pretrial detention.

Although the constitution requires that the president be a Muslim, there is no state religion in Syria, and freedom of worship is generally respected. However, the government tightly monitors mosques and controls the appointment of Muslim clergy. All nonworship meetings of religious groups require permits, and religious fundraising is closely scrutinized. The Alawite minority dominates the officer corps of the security forces.

Academic freedom is heavily restricted. Several private universities have recently been founded, and the extent of academic freedom within them varies. University professors have been dismissed or imprisoned for expressing dissent.

Freedom of assembly is closely circumscribed. Public demonstrations are illegal without official permission, which is typically granted only to progovernment groups. The security services intensified their ban on public and private gatherings in 2006, forbidding any group of five or more people from discussing political and economic topics. This rule has been enforced through surveillance and informant reports. Such activity by the intelligence services has ensured that a culture of self-censorship and fear prevails, and ordinary Syrians are unwilling to discuss politics under most circumstances.

Freedom of association is severely restricted. All nongovernmental organizations must register with the government, which generally denies registration to reformist or human rights groups. Leaders of unlicensed human rights groups have frequently been jailed for publicizing state abuses. Professional syndicates are controlled by the Baath Party, and all labor unions must belong to the General Federation of Trade Unions, a nominally independent grouping that the government uses to control union activity. Strikes in nonagricultural sectors are legal, but they rarely occur.

While the lower courts operate with some independence and generally safeguard defendants’ rights, politically sensitive cases are usually tried by the Supreme State Security Court (SSSC), an exceptional tribunal established under emergency law that denies the right to appeal, limits access to legal counsel, tries many cases behind closed doors, and routinely accepts confessions obtained through torture. SSSC judges are appointed by the executive branch, and only the president and interior minister may alter verdicts. The SSSC suspended its operations in late 2008 following riots in Syria’s largest prison for political detainees, but reopened its docket in 2009.

The security agencies, which operate independently of the judiciary, routinely extract confessions by torturing suspects and detaining their family members. In 2009, police killed several civilians who were protesting the demolition of illegally constructed homes outside Damascus. The state of emergency in force since 1963 gives security agencies virtually unlimited authority to arrest suspects and hold them incommunicado for prolonged periods without charge. Many of the estimated 2,500 to 3,000 political prisoners in Syria have never been tried. The majority are probably Islamists; those suspected of involvement with the Muslim Brotherhood or radical Islamist groups are regularly detained by the authorities. Possession of recordings or books by clerics whom the regime deems dangerous is often enough for arrest. After release from prison, political activists are often monitored and harassed by security services. The Syrian Human Rights Committee has reported that hundreds of government informants are rewarded for or coerced into writing reports on relatives, friends, and associates who are suspected of involvement in “antiregime” activities.

The Kurdish minority faces severe restrictions on cultural and linguistic expression. The 2001 press law requires that owners and top editors of print publications be Arabs. Some 200,000 Syrian Kurds are deprived of citizenship and are unable to obtain passports, identity cards, or birth certificates, which in turn prevents them from owning land, obtaining government employment, and voting. Suspected Kurdish activists are routinely dismissed from schools and public-sector jobs. In 2009, the government made it more difficult to hire noncitizens, resulting in the dismissal of many Kurds. While one demonstration to demand more rights for the Kurdish community was allowed to take place in northern Syria, security forces stopped four demonstrations in February and March, detaining dozens of people and referring some to the judiciary for prosecution. Intelligence services generally monitor Kurdish leaders closely, sometimes excluding them and their families from public-sector employment. At least 15 such leaders are barred from leaving Syria.

Opposition figures, human rights activists, and relatives of exiled dissidents are similarly prevented from traveling abroad, and many ordinary Kurds lack the requisite documents to leave the country. Other Syrians are generally allowed greater freedom of movement, residence, and employment.

The government has appointed some women to senior positions, including one of the two vice presidential posts. However, women remain underrepresented, holding 12.4 percent of the seats in the legislature. The government provides women with equal access to education, but many discriminatory laws remain in force. A husband may request that the Interior Ministry block his wife from traveling abroad, and women are generally barred from leaving the country with their children without proof of the father’s permission. Violence against women is common, particularly in rural areas. The government imposed two-year minimum prison sentences for killings classified as “honor crimes” in 2009; previously there had been a maximum one-year sentence. State-run media estimate that there are 40 such killings each year, whereas women’s rights groups put the figure at 200. Personal status law for Muslim women is governed by Sharia (Islamic law) and is discriminatory in marriage, divorce, and inheritance matters; church law governs personal status issues for Christians, in some cases barring divorce. A draft personal status law introduced in 2009 was subsequently withdrawn after women’s rights activists criticized its content and Christians denounced it as an attempt to take authority away from their respective churches.

بالرغم من عودة سوريا إلى الساحة الدولية منذ العام 2008، إلا أنها لا تزال إحدى الدول الأكثر انغلاقاً في مجال حرية التعبير وحرية الصحافة. صحيح أن عدد وسائل الإعلام قد ارتفع في السنوات الأخيرة، ولكن التعددية لا تزال غائبة في البلاد كما لا تزال سيطرة حزب البعث على القطاع الإعلامي تامة. ومنذ بداية صيف العام 2009، أقدمت وزارة الإعلام على تنفيذ موجة من الاستدعاءات والتوقيفات التي طالت الصحافيين ممارسةً تنكيلاً فعلياً بهم. ولم تكن شبكة الإنترنت معفية من هذا الإجراء الرقابي: فأكثر من 200 موقع إلكتروني محجوبة في الوقت الحالي.

إن حالة الطوارئ المعلنة في العام 1963 تنظّم حياة السوريين السياسية والاجتماعية في حين أن التشريع الاستثنائي الناجم عنها يلغي الحريات العامة كما الفردية. وقد ساهمت سنوات الحكم الثلاثين التي تسلّم حافظ الأسد مقاليدها وحده في تحويل البلاد إلى “مملكة تلوذ بالصمت المطبق”. ولدى وفاته في العام 2000، حاولت حركة “ربيع دمشق” الديمقراطية رفع نير القمع عن سوريا. ولكن الراحة لم تُكتَب لها إلا لفترة وجيزة: سرعان ما وضع بشار الأسد الذي خلف والده حداً لهذا الانفتاح الخجول. فإذا بمؤسسي حركة التحرر هذه يتعرّضون للتوقيف ضمن موجات متتالية إثر اجتماع المجلس الوطني لإعلان دمشق للتغيير الوطني الديمقراطي في الأول من كانون الأول/ديسمبر 2007.

حصد بشار الأسد الذي كان المرشّح الوحيد لخلافة نفسه في العام 2007 أكثر من 97 بالمئة من الأصوات حين أعيد انتخابه على رأس الجمهورية العربية السورية. ولا تزال الإصلاحات الديمقراطية المنتظرة منذ زمن طويل، شأن مراجعة قانون الصحافة، تبارح مكانها.

الواقع أن المؤسسات الإعلامية تخضع لمرسوم كفيل بتنظيم شؤون الصحافة أصدر في العام 2001 ويتميّز بقمعيته. ويلحظ هذا المرسوم عقوبات بالسجن تفرض على أي صحافي يقوم بالنيل من هيبة الدولة أو كرامتها، أو المس بالوحدة الوطنية أو معنويات الجيش، أو الإساءة إلى الاقتصاد الوطني أو سلامة النقد مع الإشارة إلى أن رئيس الوزراء وحده مخوّل منح تراخيص العمل للصحافيين.

منذ بداية صيف العام 2009، أقدمت وزارة الإعلام بقيادة محسن بلال وسيطرة أجهزة الاستخبارات على تنفيذ موجة من الاستدعاءات والاعتقالات بحق ناشطين حقوقيين ومحامين وصحافيين. فخضع عدة صحافيين للاستجواب حول محتويات مقالاتهم التي اعتبر أنها “تسيء إلى الأمة” أو تهدد “أمن الدولة” مواجهين تنكيلاً فعلياً. إلا أن الصحافيين الذي يجرؤون على الإدلاء بشهادتهم وحتى من دون الكشف عن هويتهم يبقون نادرين لأنهم يخشون أن تتعرّف أجهزة الاستخبارات عليهم.

في الثاني من كانون الثاني/يناير 2010، قام عناصر من جهاز الأمن الداخلي بتوقيف الصحافي علي طه والمصور علي أحمد العاملين في قناة “روتانا”. وبعد 36 يوماً من الاحتجاز الوقائي، أفرج عن علي طه في السابع من شباط/فبراير فيما أخلي سبيل علي أحمد بعد بضعة أيام من دون التقدّم بأي تبرير لتوقيفهما.

في 23 شباط/فبراير 2010، استعاد الصحافي معن عاقل العامل في جريدة “الثورة” الحكومية حريته بعد مرور ثلاثة أشهر على احتجازه في 22 تشرين الثاني/نوفمبر 2009 فيما لم يتقدّم جهاز الأمن القومي بأي تبرير لتوقيفه. ولكن جردية الثورة قررت صرفه من العمل.

في 13 أيلول/سبتمبر 2009، أقدمت عناصر من الاستخبارات والشرطة على ختم مكتب الصحافي المستقل ورئيس المركز السوري للإعلام وحرية التعبير، مازن درويش، بالشمع الأحمر. ويعتبر المركز السوري للإعلام وحرية التعبير المنظمة السورية الوحيدة التي تعنى بمراقبة وسائل الإعلام والنفاذ إلى شبكة الإنترنت ورصد وسائل الإعلام السورية في خلال الانتخابات. ويتابع المركز، من دون استحصاله على أي إذن، مراقبته للانتهاكات التي تمارس ضد الإعلاميين وقد أدى دوراً ريادياً في التنديد بقرارات وزير الإعلام بعد منعه إصدار عدد كبير من الصحف والمجلات في سوريا.

في 29 تموز/يوليو 2009، أغلقت السلطات الأمنية بشكل تعسفي مكتب القناة الفضائية الخاصة “المشرق” في دمشق لتعود وتغلق مكتب القناة في حلب بعد أيام قليلة. وكانت هذه القناة الخاصة تحتل المرتبة الثالثة في سوريا بعد قناتي “الشام” و”الدنيا” من حيث نسبة المشاهدة. ولم يعد بإمكان الصحافيين بعد اليوم العمل داخل البلاد إلا أن القناة تواصل البث.

في 13 آب/أغسطس 2009، عمم وزير الإعلام قراره بمنع الصحافي المستقل إبراهيم الجبين عن ممارسة مهنته في القناة الفضائية الرسمية “السورية” وتصوير حلقات جديدة من برنامج “العلامة الفارقة” من دون أن يعطي أي تبريرات لاتخاذ هذا القرار. بيد أن كل العناصر تدل على أن محتوى البرنامج هو السبب.

بالرغم من صدور قرار إخلاء السبيل، إلا أن الصحافي ميشيل كيلو قضى كامل مدة عقوبته في السجن. وقبل أن يفرج عنه في أيار/مايو 2009، حكم عليه بالسجن لمدة ثلاثة أعوام بتهمة “إضعاف الشعور القومي” لتوقيعه إعلان “بيروت -- دمشق، دمشق -- بيروت” الداعي إلى تطبيع العلاقات بين سوريا ولبنان. وفي تشرين الأول/أكتوبر 2008، حاز جائزة الصحافة البرلمانية البريطانية.

الجدير بالذكر أن مراسلي الصحافة الأجنبية في سوريا المراقبين أيضاً يحصلون على أوراق اعتمادهم بصعوبة. ولم يُسمح لفضائية “الجزيرة” بفتح مكتب دائم لها في البلاد. وفي أيلول/سبتمبر 2008، منع وفد من مراسلون بلا حدود عن دخول الأراضي السورية.

الإنترنت:

تعدّ سوريا من الدول الأكثر قمعية في العالم حيال متصفّحي الإنترنت. فقد عززت السلطات ترشيح الشبكة حاجبةً عدة مواقع إلكترونية ولا سيما تلك التابعة للمعارضة باللغة العربية والمرتبطة بالأقلية الكردية في البلاد. وفي أواخر العام 2009، أعلن المركز السوري للإعلام وحرية التعبير أن عدد المواقع الإخبارية المحجوبة في سوريا بلغ 241. ومن بين هذه المواقع، 49 موقعاً كردياً و35 موقعاً معارضاً و22 موقعاً لبنانياً و15 موقعاً تعنى بحقوق الإنسان و9 مواقع تعنى بالثقافة. وتعتبر الشركة العامة للاتصالات السلكية واللاسلكية والجمعية العلمية السورية للمعلوماتيةمسؤولتين عن هذا الحجب.

في تموز/يوليو 2007، أصدر وزير الاتصالات مرسوماً يفرض على أصحاب المواقع الإلكترونية الاحتفاظ بالبيانات الشخصية لكتّاب المقالات والتعليقات كما الكشف عن أسماء المشاركين في مواقعهم من كتّاب ومعلّقين تحت طائلة إقفالها.

في أيار/مايو 2009، طلبت اللجنة المعنية بدراسة قانون المطبوعات الجديد إدخال تعديلات إلى القانون القديم وإخضاع استخدام الإنترنت لقانون الصحافة وليس لقانون العقوبات كما كانت الحال. وبما أن قانون الصحافة قمعي في عدد كبير من وجوهه، فقد يتسبب تبنّي هذا المشروع بتدهور القطاع الإعلامي السوري بشكل ملحوظ.

في العام 2005، اتخذت وزارة الإعلام تدابير لتعديل قانون المطبوعات ليشمل الإنترنت. ومنذ ذلك الحين، تنص المادة 19 على أن رئيس تحرير الصحيفة الإلكترونية يجب أن يكون عربياً سورياً أتم الخامسة والعشرين من عمره ومقيماً في الجمهورية العربية السورية وألا يكون بأي صورة كانت بخدمة دولة أجنبية، في حين أن النسخة الجديدة المطروحة منذ العاشر من أيار/مايو 2009 لا توضّح مفهوم الموقع الإلكتروني نفسه (راجع المادة 2). أما المادة 10، فتمنح وزير الإعلام كل الصلاحيات في مجال حرية التعبير على الإنترنت.

في النسخة الجديدة، تنص المادة الثانية على ما يلي:
الصحيفة الإلكترونية: هي كيان إخباري رقمي مرتبط بتواتر الأحداث ويقوم بإنتاج ونشر الأخبار والمقالات والصور والتصاميم الفنية الرقمية والوثائق السمعية أو البصرية والنصية ذات العلاقة بالحدث معتمداً على التحديث الدائم للمعلومات المنشورة بما ينسجم مع تواتر الأحداث وينشر عبر الإنترنت ووسائله كافة.
الناشر الإلكتروني: هو من يحصل على ترخيص الصحيفة الالكترونية.
النشر الإلكتروني: هو إتاحة المعلومات أو الأخبار بشكلها الرقمي من خلال نشرها على الشبكة الإلكترونية أو الشابكة (الانترنت) وذلك من خلال النص أو الصوت أو الصورة الثابتة أو المتحركة.

تلحظ المادة العاشرة أنه “على كل مطبوعة خارجية الحصول على موافقة دخول إلى الأسواق السورية من وزارة الإعلام للمرة الأولى وللوزير أن يمنع تداول المطبوعات الخارجية إذا تبيّن أنها تمس السيادة الوطنية أو تخل بالأمن أو تننافى مع الآداب العامة”.

إن ثلاثة مواطنين إلكترونيين يقبعون وراء القضبان عبرةً لغيرهم من متصفّحي الإنترنت الذين يفضّلون ممارسة الرقابة الذاتية بدلاً من خسارة حريتهم بسبب بعض التعليقات. وتلجأ السلطات إلى عدة أسلحة قانونية في هذا الصدد: فهي تستند إلى قانون العقوبات وقانون الطوارئ لسنة 1962 وقانون الصحافة القمعي لعام 2001 المعدَّل في العام 2005 ليغطي المنشورات الإلكترونية.

في خلال الأشهر الثمانية عشر الأخيرة، أقدمت السلطات على التنكيل بعدة مدوّنين لمساهمتهم في منشورات إلكترونية من شأنها أن “تنال من هيبة الدولة”، بموجب المادة 287 من قانون العقوبات السوري، أو اعتبرتهم مذنبين بـ “نشر أخبار خاطئة” و”إضعاف الشعور القومي” (المادتين 285 و286 من قانون العقوبات).

في 13 أيلول/سبتمبر 2009، أصدرت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا في دمشق قراراً يقضي بالحكم على المدوّن كريم عربجي الذي يتولى إدارة منتدى أخوية (Akhawiya) بالسجن لمدة ثلاث سنوات بتهمة “نشر أخبار كاذبة من شأنها أن تقوّض معنويات الأمة” استناداً إلى المادة 286 من قانون العقوبات علماً بأن أجهزة الاستخبارات العسكرية ألقت القبض عليه في 6 تموز/يوليو 2007 وتضعه منذ سنتين قيد الاحتجاز المؤقت. وفي 6 كانون الثاني/يناير 2010، أخلي سبيله إثر اتخاذ الهيئات المسيحية في سوريا إجراءات في هذا الصدد لدى رئيس الجمهورية متذرّعة بوضع والد كريم عربجي الصحي السيئ.

Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor

February 25, 2009

Syria, with a population of approximately 19 million, is a republic under the authoritarian presidential regime of Bashar al-Asad. The president makes key decisions with counsel from a small circle of security advisors, ministers, and senior members of the ruling Ba’ath Party (Arab Socialist Renaissance). The constitution mandates the primacy of Ba’ath party leaders in state institutions and society. President al-Asad and party leaders, supported by various security services, dominated all three branches of government. In May 2007 President al-Asad was confirmed for another seven-year term in elections that were considered by international and local human rights advocates as neither free nor fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control of the security forces, and members of the security forces committed numerous, serious human rights abuses.

The government’s respect for human rights worsened, and it continued to commit serious abuses. The government systematically repressed citizens’ abilities to change their government. In a climate of impunity, there were instances of arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life. Members of the security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees. Security forces arrested and detained individuals without providing just cause, and lengthy pretrial and incommunicado detention remained a serious problem. Considered common practice since 2006, the government violated citizens’ privacy rights and imposed significant restrictions on freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and association, amid an atmosphere of government corruption. Security services disrupted meetings of human rights organizations and detained activists, organizers, and other regime critics without due process. In addition, throughout the year the government sentenced to prison several high-profile members of the human rights community, especially individuals affiliated with the national council of the Damascus Declaration for Democratic National Change (DDDNC), an umbrella organization bringing together a range of reform-minded opposition groups. Violence and societal discrimination against women continued. The influx of Iraqi refugees, moreover, exacerbated the incidence of sexual exploitation, including of minors. The government discriminated against minorities, particularly the Kurds and the Ahvazis, and severely restricted workers’ rights.

RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

During the year there were reports of arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life.

On March 20, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), security forces fired into a crowd of Kurds celebrating the New Year holiday (Nowruz) in Qamishli. The attack killed Muhammad Yahya Khalil, Muhammad Zaki, and Muhammad Mahmoud Hussein, all between the ages of 18 and 25. The three men were among approximately 200 celebrants gathered around a bonfire in the middle of a street. After firefighters and security forces failed to disperse the crowd with bullets and tear gas, individuals in civilian dress drove by in a truck and fired assault rifles at the group.

On July 5, prison guards and military officials fired on rioting inmates at Sednaya prison, reportedly killing between 25-50 inmates. According to HRW, military police officers triggered the riot when they insulted inmates and stepped on copies of the Koran during an aggressive search of the prison. Only nine of the fatalities were identified by year’s end: Zakariyya Affash, Muhammad Mahareesh, Mahmoud Abu Rashid, Abdul-Baqi Khattab, Ahmed Shalaq, Khaled Bilal, Mo’ayad al-Ali, Muhanad al-Omar, and Khidr Alloush.

In September, according to local human rights observers, government authorities arrested Ahmed Musa al-Shukaifi, a teacher from the town of Jarjanaaz of Maarat Al-Numan in Idlib Province, for unknown reasons. A week later his corpse was returned to his family. He allegedly died as a result of torture. At year’s end there was no investigation into the circumstances surrounding his death.

On October 14, a customs patrol shot and killed Sami Maatouk, the nephew of human rights lawyer Khalil Maatouk, and Joni Suleiman in the village of al-Mushrifah, near the Syria-Lebanon border, according to a report from a local human rights group. The report stated that the patrol purportedly was pursuing smugglers in the area and killed Maatouk while he was sitting outside his house. On October 20, unidentified individuals reportedly destroyed evidence at the scene to hamper any investigation.

On December 27, according to local human rights observers, military officials stationed inside Sednaya prison killed approximately 50 inmates. Reportedly, a military officer, in the company of a group of soldiers, verbally threatened to shoot inmates. The inmates took the threat seriously enough that they rushed the soldiers, prompting the soldiers to open fire.

Authorities failed to conduct independent investigations into any of these deaths by year’s end, except for the case of Sami Maatouk and Joni Suleiman, which the government claimed it would look into. At year’s end there was no further development in that case. Likewise, there were no investigations or developments in the 2007 deaths in detention of Fahed Mohammed Omar in June, Abdul Moez Salem in July, or Ghafoor Abdul-Baqi in December, all of which reportedly followed torture or mistreatment by security services, or the November 2007 killing of Issa Khalil, a Qamishli resident who reportedly participated in a demonstration following a pro-Kurdistan Workers Party protest (PKK).

At year’s end the UN International Independent Investigation Commission had not issued a final report on the assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafiq al-Hariri and 22 other individuals. In March and July 2007, the chief investigator for the commission issued interim reports that described general satisfactory cooperation from Syrian authorities into the investigation, neither concluding nor ruling out their possible involvement.

b. Disappearance

There were reports of politically motivated disappearances during the year.

In mid-December 2007, according to a January 18 human rights group report, authorities arrested Abdul Rahman Wazzan upon his arrival at Damascus International Airport. Wazzan, a civil engineer, had been living in France for the last 20 years and was en route to Aleppo to spend the Eid al-Adha holidays with family and to sort out legal issues connected to the death of his mother. At year’s end the reason for his arrest and his whereabouts were unknown. However, according to the Muslim Brotherhood Web site IkhwanWeb.com, he was arrested because of his religious belief, presumably perceived by authorities as overly Islamist.

On February 21, according to human rights organizations, Syrian Military Intelligence (SMI) authorities summoned Kamal al-Mwayel to Damascus for questioning, likely regarding his presence at a December 2007 DDDNC meeting. He went missing after meeting with the SMI and was not released until September 18, according to local human rights observers. The government imprisoned Al-Mwayel previously from 1982 to 1989 for involvement with the Muslim Brotherhood.

On March 27, unidentified authorities reportedly arrested Mustafa Sheikh, an orthopedic surgeon, at the hospital where he worked. The reason for the arrest, according to a human rights organization, may have been connected to his religious beliefs, which authorities presumably viewed as overly Islamist. However, the exact charges, the arresting authority, and where Sheik was incarcerated remained unknown at year’s end.

On July 5, during a riot at Sednaya prison, detainee Sameer al-Bahar disappeared after he attempted to negotiate with prison officials on behalf of his fellow prisoners, according to a local human rights group. When al-Bahar met the officials and conveyed the prisoners’ refusal to surrender, he was beaten and taken away in an armored car. His whereabouts remained unknown at year’s end.

On the night of July 16, according to a human rights organization, Mu’awiyah Ali al-Dablan, a police officer from the village Al-Taaminah in Hama, and his friend Bashar Aziz were arrested in al-Dablan’s home. The reason for the arrest and the whereabouts of the two men were unknown at year’s end.

On October 28, a local human rights organization announced that in the first half of August, 10 individuals from Deir al-Zour were arrested by local authorities: Muhammad Ameen al-Shawa (high school math teacher), Burhan Juneid (shop owner), Nabeel Khleewi (arrested on August 13), Abdul Hadi al-Salameh (university student), Bilal Sufyan, the brothers Ahmed and Sufyan Dumaim, Iyad Hussein, Hassan Muhammad, and Muhammad Taha. According to the organization, all the men were “religious men of a moderate outlook,” and none were political activists. The specific reasons for their arrest and whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

In July, according to human rights observers, security forces released Egyptian citizen Amro Ahmad Mohamad Yousef, who had been detained since May 2007.

There were no new developments in the 2007 disappearance of Khalid Muhammad Ahmed or the 2006 disappearance of Rami Ahmad Farhat.

The government continued to withhold information on the welfare and whereabouts of persons who disappeared in previous years; little was known other than the approximate date of their disappearance. The government had a long record of allegedly “disappearing” individuals, some of whom were believed to have died while others were likely in long-term detention, and it did not investigate or punish any security force members for their role in disappearances.

The government continued to deny reports that security forces “disappeared” an estimated 17,000 persons in the late 1970s and early 1980s. According to HRW, the “disappeared” were mostly detained Muslim Brotherhood (MB) members and other Syrian activists, as well as hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinians who were detained in Syria or abducted from Lebanon by Syrian forces or Lebanese and Palestinian militias. The Lebanese nongovernmental organization (NGO) Support of Lebanese in Detention and Exile (SOLIDE) estimated that more than 600 Lebanese prisoners remained in Syria. During the year various Lebanese news outlets quoted Lebanese Member of Parliament (MP) Fouad al-Saad as saying the number of missing Lebanese citizens in Syria numbered 91. On August 20, Lebanese Justice Minister Ibrahim Najjar stated in a televised interview that there were 745 Lebanese citizens missing in Syria, divided into two categories: convicted criminals and victims of “enforced disappearances.”

A visit by Lebanon’s President Michel Sleiman to Damascus in August produced an agreement to address detainee issues; by year’s end the two governments had made no further progress on the issue. On September 7, the Syrian delegation of the joint Lebanese-Syrian commission charged with investigating the missing individuals presented a list of 115 convicted Lebanese citizens held in Syrian jails; however, the Syrian list failed to include any of those classified as “enforced disappearances.” According to SOLIDE, at year’s end the Syrian delegation had not formally approved the allowing of Lebanese judges to check on the 115 named prisoners. Various NGOs and family members of those who allegedly remained in prison continued to dispute the 1999 government claim that all abductees had been released.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The law prohibits such practices, and the penal code provides punishment for abusers. Under Article 28 of the constitution, “no one may be tortured physically or mentally or treated in a humiliating manner.” However, security forces reportedly continued to use torture frequently.

Local human rights organizations continued to cite numerous cases of security forces allegedly abusing and torturing prisoners and detainees and claimed that many instances of abuse went unreported. Individuals who suffered torture or beatings while detained refused to allow their names or details of their cases to be reported for fear of government reprisal.

Former prisoners, detainees, and reputable local human rights groups reported that methods of torture and abuse included electrical shocks; pulling out fingernails; burning genitalia; forcing objects into the rectum; beating, sometimes while the victim was suspended from the ceiling; alternately dousing victims with freezing water and beating them in extremely cold rooms; hyperextending the spine; bending the detainees into the frame of a wheel and whipping exposed body parts; using a backward-bending chair to asphyxiate the victim or fracture the victim’s spine; and stripping prisoners naked for public view. Throughout previous years the international NGO Amnesty International (AI) documented 38 types of torture and ill-treatment used against detainees in the country. AI reported that torture was most likely to occur while detainees were held at one of the many detention centers operated by the various security services in the country, particularly while authorities attempted to extract a confession or information. Courts systematically used “confessions” extracted under duress as evidence, and defendants’ claims of torture were almost never investigated.

For example, on January 9, police in Raqqa arrested Ibrahim al-Khoja on the charge of theft, according to a human rights organization. While he was in jail, local police reportedly tortured al-Khoja, resulting in a broken leg and crushed hand. In February al-Khoja’s lawyer, Abdullah al-Khalil, filed a lawsuit against the police. At year’s end no progress had been made on this case.

On January 28, according to human rights organizations, eight political activists who had been incarcerated at Adra prison for political crimes informed the third investigative judge in Damascus, Muhammad Subji al-Sa’ur, during a trial hearing that security officials had beaten them during interrogation to force them to sign confessions. The men testified that they were punched in the face, kicked, and slapped. The eight men were part of a group of 12 signatories to the Damascus Declaration who were jailed in late 2007 and early 2008.

Also on January 28, according to HRW, authorities at Adra prison transferred ‘Ali al-Abdullah, a signatory to the Damascus Declaration, to a medical examiner to receive treatment for an ear injury sustained at the hands of his interrogators. The examiner declined to issue a report, claiming that he was not a specialist in ear injuries.

In September authorities detained and reportedly tortured to death Ahmed Musa Al-Shukaifi, according to a human rights organization. The reasons for al-Shukaifi’s detention and torture were unknown. He was a teacher in Idlib Province.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison conditions generally were poor and did not meet international standards for health and sanitation. At some prisons security officials demanded bribes from family members. Overcrowding and the denial of food remained problems at several prisons. The government did not permit visits by international human rights observers.

According to local and international human rights organizations, prisoners and detainees were held without adequate medical care, and some prisoners with significant health problems reportedly were denied medical treatment. Throughout the year local and international human rights organizations highlighted the case of political prisoner and former MP Othman Haji Suleiman, who died on February 18, soon after his February 5 release from al-Maslamieh prison in Aleppo, where he had been held incommunicado since November 2007. Authorities previously detained Suleiman in 1995, 2002, 2005, and 2006. The November 2007 arrest was for his alleged involvement in organizing a demonstration in Ein al-Arab to protest against Turkish military interventions in Kurdistan, Iraq. Suleiman’s health reportedly deteriorated rapidly after he was tortured in prison.

On January 28, security forces arrested the Damascus Declaration National Council secretary general, Riad Seif, who suffered from prostate cancer and a heart condition. His lawyers told HRW that prison authorities forced Seif to sleep in the general hall of the prison with nothing more than a single blanket after his arrest. On October 29, the Damascus criminal court sentenced him to two and one-half years in prison. At year’s end Seif was reportedly receiving medical care and was moved to a cell with a bunk in Adra prison.

On August 28, a local human rights group reported the death of Abdul Sattar Qattan, whom authorities had imprisoned at three different times for a total of 28 years. During his last period of incarceration, his kidneys degenerated, and he never received appropriate treatment. Sednaya prison officials released him in June 2007 after his illness became critical. Qattan attempted previously to leave the country for medical treatment and a transplant, but the government banned his travel.

The government failed to provide adequate security for prisoners and detainees during the year, including during the July 5 and December 27 Sednaya riots (see section 1.a.). In past years there were reports of prisoners being beaten by other prisoners while guards stood by and watched. For example, in March 2007 criminal convict Jaber Yousef beat prisoner of conscience Habib Saleh while prison guards and other prisoners watched, according to local human rights organizations.

There were separate detention facilities for men, women, and children; however, minors reportedly were sometimes held in adult facilities. Pretrial detainees, particularly those held for political or security reasons, were usually held separately from convicted prisoners. However, according to local human rights organizations, political prisoners were sometimes deliberately placed in crowded cells with convicted and alleged felons and subjected to verbal and physical threats. For example, prisoner of conscience Habib Saleh cut himself on a razor blade hidden in his prison bunk by a fellow inmate on October 23, according to Reporters Without Borders. Saleh has been held in Adra prison since May 7.

Some former detainees reported that the government denied political prisoners access to reading materials, including the Koran. Facilities for political or national security prisoners, especially accused Islamists, were generally much worse than those for common criminals. Released political detainees confirmed reports of poor prison conditions, including overcrowded cells and a shortage of beds.

Each branch of the four security services operated its own detention centers. The majority of reported torture or mistreatment cases occurred in these facilities, according to local human rights organizations.

The government prohibited independent monitoring of prison or detention center conditions and publishing of any materials on prison or detention center conditions; however, diplomatic and consular officials were granted limited access in rare cases during the year. During the year the Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not officially allow consular visits to prisons.

d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention

The constitution prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, in practice these activities persisted and remained significant problems.

Role of the Police and Security Apparatus

The role of the security services extends far beyond necessary security matters due to a state of emergency, which has been in place since 1963. The government justified the ongoing Emergency Law on the basis of its conflict with Israel and threats from terrorist groups. The SMI and Air Force Intelligence are military agencies.

The four major branches of security forces include the SMI, Political Security Directorate (PSD), General Intelligence Directorate (GID), and Syrian Air Force Intelligence (SAFI), all of which devote some of their overlapping resources to monitoring internal dissent and individual citizens. The four branches operate independently and generally outside of the control of the legal system.

The Ministry of Interior (MOI) controls the police forces, which consist of four separate divisions: emergency police, traffic police, neighborhood police, and riot police.

Corruption continued to be a serious problem in the police forces and security services. Human rights lawyers and family members of detainees cited solicitation of bribes for favorable decisions and provision of basic services by government officials throughout the legal process in both courts and prisons. Traffic police officers regularly solicited bribes from drivers.

No mechanisms for investigations of security force abuse existed.

Arrest and Detention

Upon arrest an individual is brought to a police station for processing and detained until a trial date is set. At the initial court hearing, which may be months or years after the arrest, the accused may retain an attorney at personal expense or be assigned a court-appointed attorney, although lawyers were not ensured access to their clients before trial. The individual is then tried in a court, where a judge renders a verdict. While the prison code provides for prompt access to family members, human rights organizations and families reported inconsistent application of the code, with some families waiting as long as a year to see relatives. Civil and criminal defendants had the right to bail hearings and possible release from detention on their own recognizance. However, this right was not applied consistently throughout the legal system and was rarely available to detainees under the emergency law.

The 1963 Emergency Law authorizes the government to conduct preventive arrests and overrides constitutional and penal code provisions against arbitrary arrest and detention, including the need to obtain warrants. In cases involving political or national security offenses, arrests were often carried out in secret with cases assigned in a seemingly arbitrary manner to military, security, or criminal courts. Suspects were detained incommunicado for prolonged periods without charge or trial and denied the right to a judicial determination regarding pretrial detention. Unlike defendants in regular criminal and civil cases, security detainees did not have access to lawyers prior to or during questioning, as well as throughout the preparation and presentation of their defense. In most cases detainees were not informed of charges against them until their arraignment, which often was months after their arrest. Additionally, those suspected of political or national security offenses were arrested and prosecuted under ambiguous and broad articles of the penal code and subsequently tried in either the criminal or security courts.

The government did not notify foreign governments when their citizens were arrested or detained, as required under Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, or did so only after the person was released or deported. For example, on November 7, Syrian police arrested three Jordanian men, Nidal Kayed, Ayman Hawarat, and Ahmad Abu Durais, for inquiring about sensitive locations. The Jordanian embassy was not notified, and the Syrian Prime Minister’s Office denied that the three were in custody, according to the Jordan Times. Authorities eventually released the men on November 23.

Arbitrary and false arrests were problems, and detainees had no legal redress. The authorities detained those critical of the government under the emergency law and charged them with a wide range of political crimes, including treason. Continuing a trend that began in 2006, the government tried some political prisoners in criminal courts, although the charges were security related and not covered by the criminal code. For example, the trial of 12 members of the DDDNC for their political opposition activities took place in the Damascus First Criminal Court on October 29. Similarly, cyber-dissident Habib Saleh, arrested on May 7 for his critical writings, had his initial defense hearing in the Damascus Second Criminal Court on December 1.

Incommunicado detention was a severe problem. Many persons who disappeared in past years were believed to be in long-term detention without charge or possibly to have died in detention. Many detainees brought to trial were held incommunicado for years, and their trials often were marked by irregularities and lack of due process. Arrest and search warrants were issued only for non-security related cases; however, police bypassed this requirement in many instances by claiming security or emergency grounds for entry. Protracted court proceedings were caused by a shortage of available courts and the absence of legal provisions for a speedy trial or plea bargaining.

On September 30, President al-Asad issued legislative decree 69. The new law states that in the case of a crime committed by military officers, members of the internal security forces, and customs police officers in the pursuit of their normal duties, only the General Command of the Army and Armed Forces can issue a warrant of arrest. The new decree also requires that any pending criminal cases against such officers be transferred from criminal to military courts.

During the year security forces reportedly continued to arrest alleged Islamists. Local human rights organizations estimated that approximately 1,600 Islamists were arrested during the year, although it was unclear how many of those remained in detention at year’s end.

On January 22, intelligence services reportedly arrested 13 Islamists in the al-Sfeerah area of Aleppo, including students Hamza Haaj Hamza, Hossam Qana’a, and Muhammad Moaz Qana’a, primary school teacher Muhammad Raheem, and pharmacist Barakaat al-Aswad. Their whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

On July 11, a local human rights group reported the arrest of Sheikh Yusuf Omar Mobayyedh, a religious scholar known for his moderate views and disavowal of violence. His whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

During the year the government continued its sustained crackdown on civil society and human rights activists. Under the authority of laws that criminalize membership and activity in organizations the government deems illegal, security forces arrested a number of persons with links to local human rights groups, prodemocracy student groups, as well as scores of other minorities, particularly Kurds, members of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), and suspected Islamic extremists.

For example, on January 3, security agents arrested Fayez Sarah, a writer, journalist, and member of the DDDNC. Sarah’s arrest signaled the continuation of the government’s 2007 efforts to neutralize the newly formed prodemocracy movement. Security forces subsequently arrested Muhammed Haji Darwish on January 8, Marwan al-Esh on January 15, Riad Seif on January 28, and Talal Abu Dan on January 30. Human rights observers reported that authorities arrested these individuals for attending a DDDNC meeting in December 2007. At year’s end authorities held the individuals at Adra prison, along with six other attendees of the DDDNC meeting arrested in December 2007: Ahmad Toumah, Akram al-Bunni, Jaber al-Shoufi, Muhammad Yasser al-Eitti, Ali Abdullah, and Walid al-Buni. Authorities transferred DDDNC chairperson Fidaa al-Hourani, who also was arrested in December 2007, from prison to Ibn al-Nafis hospital on February 25, after she suffered health problems. On October 29, the Damascus criminal court sentenced all of the aforementioned DDDNC members to two and one-half years in prison.

On February 17, authorities arrested Kurdish university student Hozan Muhammad Amin Ibrahim in Damascus, according to a local human rights organization. Ibrahim had previously spent a year in prison after his arrest at a demonstration in front of the Damascus branch of the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) in 2003. Ibrahim remained in prison at year’s end.

On February 27, according to a local human rights organization, security authorities arrested activist Osama Edwar in Hasakah, reportedly for writing an article critical of the government. He was released on March 8.

On March 2, the SMI arrested Mohammad Badih Dak al-Bab, a former political prisoner and an alleged MB member. Dak al-Bab was previously arrested in 2000 for his MB affiliations and sentenced to 15 years in prison but received a presidential pardon in 2005. The most recent arrest reportedly stemmed from articles he had written that criticized Minister of Information Moshen Bilal. Authorities released Dak al-Bab on September 17.

According to a local human rights group, the Syrian Air Force Security Service detained Pierre Rustum on March 15. Rustum was an activist, writer, a member of the Kurdish Democratic Party in the country, and a council member for the Damascus Declaration group. Rustum was released on March 22.

On April 2, unidentified agents took Qais Ahmed Ali, a Kurd, from his home in Damascus. He was released on July 28.

On May 5, according to human rights observers, the SAFI arrested political and human rights activist Hammam Ahmad Haddad, presumably for his public writings on human rights abuses. His whereabouts were unknown until his release in July.

On June 16, security forces reportedly arrested independent member of the DDDNC, Mahmoud al-Najjar,in Aleppo. Authorities did not provide a reason for his arrest, according to the report. He was released on July 24.

On July 9, GIA detained Hassan Younes Kasim, a member of the Committees for the Defense of Democratic Liberties and Human Rights in Syria (CDF), according to a local human rights group. Authorities released him on July 24.

On August 3 and 4, the PSD arrested Jawan Abdo, Ra’id Fawaz al-Ali, Markeen Mustafa, and Salahidin Baro. All four individuals were Kurds living in Aldirbasiah in the northern part of the country. Their whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

On August 11, intelligence authorities arrested human rights activist and Damascus Declaration member Ghazi Qadoor in his home in Aleppo, according to human rights observers. His whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

On August 15, security forces abducted Mashaal Tammo, the head of the Kurdish Future Movement Party, as he was driving near Aleppo. The government held Tammo incommunicado for two weeks, after which he appeared at a preliminary court hearing in Damascus on August 27. At his first court hearing, no specific charges were announced. At year’s end he remained detained at Adra prison in Damascus.

On August 26, according to a local humanitarian organization, security forces arrested Khaldoun al-Jaza’iri, a dentist, at his home in Damascus. Al-Jaza’iri is the son of prominent nuclear scientist Makki al-Hassani al-Jaza’iri. His whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

On October 26, security forces in Hasakah Province reportedly arrested Muhammad Sa’id Husayn and Sa’dun Mahmud Shekho, both general executive members of the Kurdish Freedom Party in Syria. At year’s end their whereabouts remained unknown.

On November 6, according to Jordanian news dailies, three Jordanian men, Nidal Kayed, Ayman Hawarat, and Ahmad Abu Durais, entered Syria together for a three-day vacation. On November 7, they were arrested by security authorities for allegedly inquiring about “sensitive locations.” The government denied that the three men were in custody. The three men were held incommunicado until their release on November 23. Their release followed Jordanian Prime Minister Nader Dahabi’s visit to Syria, where he raised the subject with officials.

On November 15, according to human rights observers, security forces arrested Osam Hamdan Makarem, a businessman in Suweida, a small city south of Damascus. At year’s end, the reason for his arrest and his location were unknown. However, observers speculated that the arrest might have been connected to a recent financial dispute that Makarem took to court and won. The day after the courts decided the case, October 19, Makarem was arrested, detained for a day, and released.

On November 17, SMI agents arrested Bassam Zakia in Hama, according to human rights observers. Zakia had allegedly returned to the country from Jordan three months earlier, after an unspecified period abroad, in order to obtain a visa that would allow him to work in Saudi Arabia. Bassam had reportedly contacted the Syrian embassy in Jordan and obtained a visit permit. Once he was in Hama, the SMI called him to their office several times before finally arresting him. The reason for his detention and his whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

At year’s end Muhammad Bakor and Sufian Bakor remained in detention. In January 2007, according to local human rights observers, the PSD in Hama arrested Muhammad Bakor and Sufian Bakor, sons of dissident Muhammad Bakor, an exile in Iraq.

On August 24, according to human rights observers, authorities released Kawthar Tayfore and Aisha Afandi, both Kurdish members of the Democratic Union Party (PYD). Tayfore and Afandi had been held incommunicado, with no access to legal counsel, since November 2007.

A local human rights group reported that in December 2007, authorities detained Ghaleb Amer, a board member of the Arab Organization for Human Rights. He was released the next day along with four other individuals: Yousef Sayasneh, Muhammad Jabr Masalmeh, and Muhammad Zaki Huwiedi.

There were no new developments in the 2007 case of Nader Sanoufi.

On June 13, according to a local human rights group, authorities released Fa’ik al-Meir, a member of the Central Committee of the Syrian Democratic People’s party. Al-Meir was detained in Tartous in 2006 for allegedly establishing ties with Lebanese March 14 forces and sentenced to 18 months in prison in December 2007.

There were also numerous reports from human rights organizations that security services arrested citizens who were apparently not involved in political activities. The security services provided no information on the reasons for the arrests and, in many cases, family and friends were unable to obtain information on the whereabouts of the detained at year’s end.

On April 7, the PSD arrested Waleed Muhammad Ali Hussein, an art student, after summoning him several times to security offices in Hasakah, according to a local human rights group. The reason for his detention and his whereabouts remained unknown at year’s end.

There were no new developments in the 2007 arrests of Muhammad Naama, a student at a medical college in Damascus, and Omar Muhammad Khalalo, or the 2006 arrests of Fahd Da’doush, Ahmet Muhammad Ibrahim, and Muhammad Sheikhmos Aali (also known as Sheikh Aali).

Amnesty

Unlike in the previous year, the president did not issue any amnesties; however, following tradition, authorities released sick prisoners who had completed three-quarters of their sentences.

The government rarely includes political prisoners in periodic presidential amnesties; however, on August 7, Arif Dalila received a presidential pardon and was released from prison. Dalila had been incarcerated since his arrest in 2001. Dalila, a well-known Syrian economist, had participated in the informal political reform discussions associated with the Damascus Spring movement of 2001. He was originally arrested in 2001 for criticizing government policy in both print and public remarks and sentenced to 10 years in prison by the Supreme State Security Court (SSSC) in 2002.

e. Denial of Fair Public Trial

The constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, courts were regularly subject to political influence. According to observers, approximately 95 percent of judges were Ba’athists or closely aligned to the Ba’ath Party and therefore not independent.

The judicial system is composed of civil and criminal courts under the Ministry of Justice and religious courts, which adjudicate matters of personal status such as divorce and inheritance. The Court of Cassation is the highest court of appeal. The Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) rules on the constitutionality of laws and decrees, hears special appeals regarding the validity of parliamentary elections, and tries the president if he is accused of criminal offenses; however, it does not hear appeals from the civil and criminal justice system. The SCC is composed of five members who are appointed by the president for renewable four-year terms.

Military courts have authority over crimes committed by soldiers or members of other military or police branches. If the charge against a soldier or member of the military or police branch is a misdemeanor, the sentence against the defendant is final. If the charge is a felony, the defendant has the right to appeal to the Military Chamber at the Court of Cassation. Military courts also have authority to try civilians in cases based on military law. Civilians have the right to appeal all sentences in a military court. A military prosecutor decides the venue for a civilian defendant. There were reports that the government operated military field courts in locations outside established courtrooms. Such courts reportedly observed fewer formal procedures than regular military courts. For example, in October 2007 the Military Field Court, located in an undisclosed location in Damascus, convicted and sentenced five criminals to public hanging in Aleppo.

The SSSC tries political and national security cases and operates under the provisions of the 1963 Emergency Law, which authorizes the prosecution of anyone “opposing the goals of the revolution,” and creating “sectarian strife.” Although the government stated that the SSSC tried only persons who sought to use violence against the government, the majority of defendants before the SSSC were prosecuted for exercising their political rights.

Trial Procedures

Defendants before civil and criminal courts are entitled to legal representation of their choice; the courts appoint lawyers for indigents. Defendants are presumed innocent, and they are allowed to present evidence and to confront their accusers. Trials are public, except for those involving juveniles or sex offenses. Defendants can appeal verdicts to a provincial appeals court and ultimately to the Court of Cassation. Appeals are often difficult to win because the lower courts do not provide verbatim transcripts of cases, only summaries prepared by the presiding judges. There are no juries. Defendants and their attorneys have access to government-held evidence relevant to their cases. However, human rights lawyers noted that the prosecution case file, which defense lawyers were allowed to see, frequently did not include any evidence in politically charged cases.

The law extends the above rights to all citizens in criminal cases. However, a number of sections of family and criminal law are based on Shari’a (Islamic law) and do not treat men and women equally. Some personal status laws utilize Shari’a regardless of the religion of those involved in the case, although the number of Shari’a-based laws affecting non-Muslims decreased significantly after the 2006 passage of a Personal Status Law for Catholics.

The SSSC does not observe constitutional provisions safeguarding defendants’ rights. Its verdicts are not subject to judicial appeal; however, the minister of interior may ratify, nullify, or alter an SSSC ruling, and the president must approve the verdict or may ask for a retrial. Charges against defendants before the SSSC were usually vague, and authorities sometimes prevented defendants’ access to their lawyers before the trial. Under SSSC procedures, defendants and their lawyers are not present during the preliminary or investigative phase of the trial, during which the prosecutor presents evidence. Lawyers submitted written defense pleas rather than making oral presentations. Trials took place before three judges and usually remained closed to the public as well as to the defendants’ families. Authorities did not permit human rights NGOs to visit the SSSC; however, local lawyers affiliated with local NGOs acted as defense counsel in some cases. Authorities granted SSSC access to diplomatic observers during the year.

For example, in February 2007 security authorities arrested dissident poet Dr. Mahmoud Hussein Sarem, who faced charges before the SSSC from a 2005 arrest. His case was referred to the military general prosecution. Sarem was subsequently sent to Adra prison, where he remained detained until his release on March 15. On October 1, a military judge cancelled the charges against Sarem in the military court; however, his SSSC case remained pending at year’s end. Authorities did not present evidence that he used violence against the state.

Human rights organizations estimated that the SSSC tried hundreds of cases annually. The majority of cases during the year involved charges relating to membership in various banned political groups, including religious parties such as the MB, the Islamic Liberation Party, and Syrian Kurdish parties. During the year the SSSC sentenced more than 150 citizens to sentences ranging from three years’ imprisonment to execution, which can be commuted to 12 years’ imprisonment. For example, on May 5, the SSSC sentenced Ismail al-Sheikha to death for membership in the MB and then commuted his sentence to 12 years in prison.

On April 14, Mohamed Hilal Abu Hawa, detained since 2005, was sentenced to three years in prison for disclosing confidential information.

On April 18, Taiseer Nassan, a member of the Islamic Liberation Party, was sentenced to 12 years in prison for obstructing the goals of the Ba’ath Revolution and for forgery.

On May 5, the SSSC sentenced Ismail Al-Sheikha, from Aleppo, to death for belonging to the MB. The court commuted the sentence to 12 years of hard labor.

On May 12, the SSSC sentenced Muhammad Abdulhai Shalabi, from At-Tal, to 12 years in prison for his alleged membership in the MB. The sentence was commuted to eight years.

Membership in the MB is punishable by death, although in practice the sentences were usually commuted to 12 years in prison.

Political Prisoners and Detainees

The number of political prisoners and detainees remained difficult to determine due to a continuing lack of official government information. Authorities refused to divulge information regarding numbers or names of persons in detention on political or security-related charges. Various local human rights observers estimated that between 1,500 and 3,000 political prisoners, including accused Islamists, remained in detention. Authorities refused to divulge information regarding numbers or names of persons in detention on political or security-related charges.

Since 2006 the government has tried some new political detainees in criminal court, and once convicted on political or security related charges, they were treated like common prisoners. The government did not permit regular access to political prisoners or detainees by local or international humanitarian organizations. Human rights groups reported that many political prisoners serving long-term sentences remained in prison after the expiration of their sentences.

There also were Jordanian, Lebanese, Iraqi, Palestinian, and Western political prisoners and detainees. Estimates of foreign detainees were difficult to confirm because different branches of the security services, which maintained their own incarceration facilities, held significant numbers, and there was no centralized tracking system. Detainees were frequently held for extended periods of time without trial and without information provided to their families. Finally, estimates were difficult to confirm because the government did not verify publicly the number of detentions without charge, the release of detainees or amnestied prisoners, or the subsequent sentencing of detainees to prison. In 2005 a number of human rights organizations estimated that there were between 25 and 250 remaining Lebanese prisoners in the country. During the year various Lebanese media outlets reported the numbers to be between 91 and 175.

In November 2007 the French Press Agency reported that the government agreed to release an unspecified number of Jordanian prisoners after Jordanian King Abdullah II’s visit to Damascus. Authorities released 18 Jordanians in 2007, but there were no known further releases. On November 24, the Jordan Times reported that Abdul Karim Shraideh, who heads the Jordanian Committee for Defending Prisoners and Missing People, said the number of Jordanians missing in Syria was approximately 256 persons.

In March a former prisoner held in al-Hasakah Province told a human rights group that he had met two Lebanese Christian priests who had been held there since 1990. According to the witness, Syrian intelligence forces arrested Suleiman Abu Khalil and Albert Sherfan at the monastery of Beit al-Qala’a in Beit Meri, Lebanon, during a raid involving Lebanese soldiers who had taken refuge there. No additional information was available at year’s end.

Former prisoners were subjected to a so-called rights ban, which lasts from the day of sentencing until seven years after the expiration of the sentence in the case of felony and three years in the case of misdemeanor convictions. In practice restrictions sometimes continued beyond that period. Persons subjected to this ban were not allowed to vote, run for office, or work in the public sector; they also were often denied passports.

On April 23, the First Military Criminal Court in Damascus sentenced Kamal Labwani to an additional three years in jail for illegal conversations with fellow prisoners. In May 2007 the criminal court convicted Labwani of encouraging a foreign power to invade Syria and sentenced him to life in prison, commuted to 12 years. In 2005 authorities arrested Labwani upon his arrival in Damascus following a three-month trip abroad.

Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies

The law provides for an independent and impartial judiciary in civil matters; however, in practice the courts are neither independent nor impartial. According to observers, approximately 95 percent of judges are either Ba’athists or closely aligned to the Ba’ath Party and therefore not independent.

Property Restitution

According to the law, a municipality may appropriate property for the public good. The municipality usually compensated individuals; however, many reported that the restitution was not fair. While individuals have the legal right to sue the municipality for more compensation, only a few win such cases.

Security forces routinely seized property and personal items of arrested and detained individuals, such as computers and mobile telephones. According to local human rights contacts, the phenomenon was too common to track or record specific cases. Security forces did not appropriate, confiscate, or catalogue these materials in accordance with the law, and although detained individuals theoretically had the right to retrieve them after release, many items remained missing.

f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence

The law prohibits such actions; however, the Emergency Law authorizes security services to enter homes and conduct searches without warrants if broadly defined security matters are involved. The security services selectively monitored telephone conversations and fax transmissions. The government opened mail addressed to both citizens and foreign residents. The government routinely monitored Internet communications, including e-mail, and either blocked or monitored access to some Web sites.

The government and the Ba’ath Party monitored and attempted to restrict some citizens’ visits to foreign embassies and participation in cultural activities. There were reports during the year that invitees to diplomatic functions received phone calls from the security services instructing them not to attend.

The government did not permit new political parties or license politically based NGOs. In practice, however, the government tolerated some illegal political parties, such as the Communist Union Movement. Additionally, there were illegal parties, such as the Communist Action Party, the People’s Party, and the Arab Social Union, that suffered harassment but not automatic arrest for membership. The government forbids membership in Islamist parties, and members of Islamist parties were subjected to immediate arrest and execution.

The government detained relatives of detainees and fugitives to obtain a confession or surrender, respectively, and harassed and intimidated the families of activists and political prisoners. There were unconfirmed reports that security personnel forced prisoners to watch relatives being tortured to extract confessions.

On March 6, a prison officer inappropriately touched the wife of Walid al-Bunni, a prisoner of conscience and signatory to the Damascus Declaration, while she was visiting her husband in Adra prison. According to local human rights observers, she immediately lodged a complaint with the supervising officer, who refused to hear her case.

On July 31, security forces detained the wives of three imprisoned Islamist suspects in the village al-’Otayba, outside of Damascus, according to HRW. HRW identified the women as Usra al-Husein, wife of Jihad Diab; Raw’a al-Kilani, wife of Ziad al Kilani, detained by the SAFI in 2004; and Bayan Saleh ‘Ali, wife of Ahmad Saleh ‘Ali, arrested in 2005 and held in Sednaya prison on charges of membership in an association “created to change the economic and social structure of the state” and for issuing calls that weaken national sentiment and incited racial or sectarian tensions. No charges were brought against the women, and their whereabouts were unknown at year’s end.

Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:

a. Freedom of Speech and Press

The constitution provides for freedom of speech and the press; however, the government significantly restricted these rights in practice, relying when necessary on emergency law provisions that suspend such rights and supersede constitutional practices. The government strictly controlled the dissemination of information and prohibited criticism of the government and discussion of sectarian issues including religious and ethnic minority rights. Authorities detained and abused journalists, writers, and other individuals for expressions of opinion that violated these restrictions, leading them to practice self-censorship. The government also attempted to impede criticism through monitoring of political meetings and informer networks.

Emergency law and penal code articles dealing with crimes against state security allow the government broad discretion to determine what constitutes illegal expression. The Emergency Law prohibits publication of “false information” that opposes “the goals of the revolution.” Penal code articles prohibit acts or speech inciting confessionalism.

On March 3, security forces reportedly detained Ammar Rashed, Saleh al-Ali, and Tayseer Omar, professors at the Shari’a College at the University of Damascus, for their public criticism of government corruption and for advocating freedom of expression. All three men were released on March 5.

On May 25, authorities reportedly cancelled a lecture on freedom of the press that journalist Mazen Darwish was to deliver, despite the Ministry of Culture’s prior approval. Security forces also briefly detained Darwish in January for allegedly defaming state institutions. Darwish was sentenced to 10 days, which was later commuted to five days.

In December 2007, according to Arraee.org, an opposition Web site established by the Syrian Peoples’ Democratic Party, authorities arrested Tayseer Kafa after his colleagues at the school where he worked submitted a report to authorities alleging that he criticized the government during a conversation with them. He was released on January 24.

The media were heavily influenced by the government, and the government or the Ba’ath Party owned most newspaper publishing houses. A number of quasi-independent periodicals, usually owned and operated by figures with government connections, were published during the year, including the National Progressive Front’s (NPF) Communist party newspaper The People’s Voice; the NPF’s Socialist Union party’s newspaper The Unionist; and privately owned newspapers The Nation (Al-Watan), The Economy (Al-Iktissad), and, Al-Khabar, the latter two of which were sometimes critical of the government’s economic policies and performance. The government prohibited all Kurdish-language publications, although there were credible reports that such publications were available in the country. The Ministry of Information continued to deny permission to publish Al-Ousboua Al-Iktissadi, a business weekly; and Al-Riyada Wa Al-Shabab, a new magazine for young sports fans.

The print and electronic media were critical at times of the Ba’ath Party and government performance. They reported openly on a range of social and economic issues, such as corruption in the energy and communications sectors. The media covered some Israeli-Palestinian developments factually, but others were reported selectively to support official views. For example, local media described Israeli actions in occupied Palestinian territory as “aggression,” “state terrorism,” and “Israeli massacres,” while describing Palestinian actions as “resistance.”

While the government or the Ba’ath Party owned and operated some radio and most television companies, examples of privately owned stations included Al-Medina radio station and Ad-Douni and Al-Rai television stations. The Ministry of Information closely monitored radio and television news and entertainment programs to ensure adherence to government policies. The government did not interfere with broadcasts from abroad. Satellite dishes were widely used and available.

As in previous years government forces detained, arrested, and harassed journalists and other writers for works deemed critical of the state. Harassment included banning from the country, firing for association with international organizations, and failing to respond to requests for journalists’ accreditation. The government also arrested journalists and others who wrote in Kurdish or in favor of greater Kurdish rights.

On March 13, according to a local human rights group, the SMI detained activist Adnan Hamdan, director of the Syrian Center for Freedom of Media and Expression. He was released on March 15.

On June 11, PSD authorities in Qamishli arrested writer Khaled Jamil Muhammad, according to a local human rights group. During his detention, authorities ordered Muhammad to ask his family to bring his passport, a copy of his latest book, and the texts of delivered lectures to the authorities. At year’s end there was no information as to whether authorities still had these items in their custody. Muhammad remained detained at year’s end.

On June 20, according to human rights observers, authorities detained Sudanese journalist Hashem Othman, editor of the journal Fada’at Dawleyeh, which was published in Syria for three years, for no known reason. Othman was released on June 21 and traveled to Khartoum, Sudan, on the same day.

On March 13, authorities reportedly released Kurdish poet Muhammad Iso, held incommunicado since his arrest in 2006. The alleged reason for his arrest was his Kurdish-language poetry and for allegedly encouraging sectarian strife.

In November a newspaper journalist was relieved of his editorial responsibilities at a local news daily for meeting with international media organizations. The name of the journalist and news outlet were withheld to protect the individual in question.

Also in November an independent private journalist was fired after criticizing the government in his editorial positions. The name of the journalist and news outlet were withheld to protect the individual in question.

The Ministry of Information and the Ministry of Culture and National Guidance (MCNG) continued to censor domestic and foreign publications prior to circulation or importation and stopped circulation when content was judged to be critical or sensitive. Publication or distribution of any material deemed by security officials as threatening or embarrassing to the government was prohibited. Censorship usually was greater for materials in Arabic. Journalists also practiced self-censorship.

In February the MOI briefly halted distribution of three journals for criticizing government policies: Al-Hal, a monthly review; Al-Iktissad wa Mujtamma (Economy and Society); and Ad-Dabbour, a satirical weekly. The MOI stopped distribution of Al-Hal again in August, and at year’s end the ban remained in place. After September 30, the government prevented the circulation of the Saudi-owned and London-based newspaper Al-Hayat. The government then blocked the Al-Hayat Web site several weeks later. The government also continued the 2007 decision to cease distribution of Al-Sarq Al-Awsat, a Saudi-owned, London-based newspaper. At year’s end both remained unavailable.

In mid-year the moderate online news Web site DamasPost was closed down for several weeks. No specific reason was cited. In April Syria Life, an independent online news site, was closed by authorities. Again, no specific reason was given. However, its owner and editor said that he could “no longer work under these circumstances.”

In 2007 the government shut down Sham Channel, owned by parliamentarian Akram al-Jindi. No reason for the closure was given. Sham Channel moved its operations to Egypt and was broadcasting into Syria at year’s end.

The law prohibits the publication of “inaccurate” information, particularly if it “causes public unrest, disturbs international relations, violates the dignity of the state or national unity, affects the morale of the armed forces, or inflicts harm on the national economy and the safety of the monetary system.” Persons found guilty of publishing such information are subject to prison terms ranging from one to three years and fines ranging from 500,000 to 1 million Syrian pounds ($10,000 to $20,000). The government used these laws during the year to suppress criticism. The law also imposes strict punishments for reporters who do not reveal their government sources in response to government requests.

Internet Freedom

The government relied on its press and publications laws, the penal code, and the Emergency Law to censor access to the Internet. The Internet was widely available in both dial-up and highspeed wireless connections. Web cafes continued to proliferate throughout the major cities. The government monitored Internet usage and in some instances blocked access to Internet sites or Web-based e-mail that contained or transmitted information deemed politically sensitive.

According to an international human rights group, all three of the country’s Internet service providers regularly blocked access to a variety of Web sites. The government restricted access to Web sites associated with Kurdish opposition groups and both the MB and Syrian MB. Other electronic media that the government restricted during the year included Amazon.com, the social-networking site Facebook, YouTube, online pan-Arabic newspapers such as Asharqal-Awsat, the online phone service Skype, and online news services such as LevantNews.com. The proreform Web site All4syria.org has remained blocked since 2004.

In April authorities blocked the Web site SyriaNews.com for 10 days, according to a local human rights group.

On May 10, the SSSC sentenced Tareq Bayasi to six years in prison for publishing online comments critical of the government. The sentence was subsequently commuted to three years. According to local human rights observers, in July 2007 the SMI in Tartous summoned Bayasi, son of former political prisoner Omar Bayasi regarding comments he had made in an Internet discussion forum. The authorities detained him, transferred him to Damascus, and held him incommunicado for months. The SMI had arrested Baysi previously in June 2007 for insulting security services online.

On August 15, according to the Web site Elaph.com, authorities shut down the Web site Nazaha.com (Integrity) and detained its publisher, Abdullah Ali Suleiman, for 13 days. Founded in 2005, Nazaha.com was regularly subjected to Web-based attacks. In February 2007 hackers destroyed the site’s archives.

On May 7, security agents arrested Habib Saleh for “spreading lies and undermining the state.” Previously Saleh, an Elaph.com contributor, was in prison from May to September for publishing articles critical of the government on the Internet. He was arrested in 2001 and 2005 on similar charges. He had one preliminary hearing on December 1 in the Damascus Second Criminal Court. At year’s end there were no further developments in his case.

There were few developments in the case of Karim ‘Arbaji, detained by the Mantaqa branch of the SMI in June 2007 allegedly for moderating Akhawia.net, a popular online social and political forum for youth. According to various human rights organizations, ‘Arbaji was being held at the Sednaya military prison in preparation for a June 8 trial before the SSSC. However, the SSSC did not meet in June, and a new trial date was not set. There were no further developments in this case by year’s end.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events

The government restricted academic freedom and cultural events. Teachers generally were not permitted to express ideas contrary to government policy. Authorities permitted slightly more freedom of expression at the university level; however, the government imposed restrictions on the ability of public universities to associate with foreign cultural centers. Universities gave Ba’ath Party members preferential admissions treatment.

On March 3, according to a local human rights organization report, security forces detained Ammar Rashed, Saleh al-Ali, and Tayseer Omar, professors at the Shari’a College at the University of Damascus, for their public criticism of corruption and for advocating freedom of expression. All three men remained detained at year’s end.

The MCNG censored films and exercised the right of approval over films shown at cultural centers operated by foreign embassies.

b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Freedom of Assembly

The constitution provides for the right of assembly; however, Emergency Law provisions superseded this right, and the government did not respect it in practice. MOI permission is needed for demonstrations or any gathering of more than three persons. During the year HRW reported that the government routinely prohibited or interrupted meetings of human rights and civil society activists. The government or the Ba’ath Party organized most public demonstrations.

The government required political forums and discussion groups to obtain prior approval to hold lectures and seminars and to submit lists of all attendees. However, several domestic human rights and civil society groups held meetings without registering with the government or obtaining prior approval. In many instances the government took steps to disrupt such gatherings or prevent them from occurring. For instance, on December 31, local police broke up a peaceful demonstration by a group of independent journalists protesting violence in Gaza. The journalists held a sit-in at the Journalists’ Federation in Damascus and had requested permission from the Ministries of Interior and Information. The president of the federation, however, asked the government to break up the sit-in because it was not authorized by the federation itself.

Demonstrations occurred during the year, including some permitted or organized by the government.

For example, on January 21 and February 23, demonstrations against Israeli actions in Gaza and the West Bank took place without government interference in the Yarmouk Palestinian Refugee Camp in the suburbs of Damascus.

On March 3 and 5, the government approved a march to protest the siege of Gaza in Damascus and Homs, respectively.

On March 6, according to a local human rights organization, authorities broke up a gathering of Kurdish families waiting in front of the SSSC to attend the hearing of five Kurdish activists. The SSSC had changed the court date without notifying family members. Authorities arrested dozens of individuals but released them within a few hours.

On March 8, security forces fired warning shots and used tear gas to disrupt a celebration of Women’s International Day in Ein al-Arab, according to human rights observers.

On April 17, police prevented approximately 400 students from making a Damascus University sponsored trip to the coast. Police ordered the students, who had gathered in front of the faculty of medicine, back into the school.

On April 19, the Syrian Committee for supporting Syrian Prisoners in Israeli Prisons organized a candle-light demonstration without government interference in front of the International Committee of the Red Cross offices in Damascus.

On May 15, quasi-government organizations sponsored a number of large rallies in major cities to protest the 60th anniversary of the founding of Israel.

On August 24, local human rights observers reported that an estimated 2,000 security and military personnel prevented a large group of demonstrators from gathering in front of the home of Mashaal Tammo, head of the Kurdish Future Movement Party. The demonstrators were protesting the government’s August 15 detention of Tammo.

On October 30, an estimated 1,000 to 2,000 persons gathered in a Damascus square without government interference to protest the alleged October 26 U.S. military raid on Abu Kamal, a town on the Syria-Iraq border. Observers stated government employees were allowed to leave their offices, and a number of high-school and university classes were dismissed to ensure a large crowd.

On November 2, a coalition of Kurdish political opposition parties, including the Yeketi Party, organized a protest against Decree 49, a new law that curtails already limited property rights along the country’s borders. The protest was to take place in front of the parliament building in Damascus, but as Kurdish activists gathered at a nearby staging point and began moving toward the parliament building, they were set upon by military intelligence and the police’s Special Forces Unit. In all, 192 persons were arrested and released approximately 12 hours later. While the use of force was restrained, police tasered one individual in the throat.

At a December 3 event to welcome Lebanese Change and Reform Bloc leader Michel Aoun, approximately 3,000-5,000 students, parents, and journalists gathered in the Christian area of Damascus’s old city with government approval. Observers stated the government pulled students out of school to ensure a good turnout.

From December 27 until the end of the year, the government actively encouraged numerous large peaceful protests against Israeli actions in Gaza. As was often the case with other protests during the year, the government frequently closed schools and released civil servants from work in an effort to increase the number of participants.

At year’s end the government had not filed charges against the perpetrators of the 2006 demonstrations that destroyed the Norwegian embassy and heavily damaged the building housing the Danish, Chilean, and Swedish embassies. The embassies received some financial compensation from the government, but not enough to cover the actual cost of damages, according to diplomatic sources.

Freedom of Association

The constitution permits private associations but also grants the government the right to limit their activities. In practice the government restricted freedom of association, requiring prior registration and approval for private associations. The government often denied requests for registration or failed to act on them, presumably on political grounds. None of the approximately 14 local human rights organizations operated with a license during the year. By year’s end no license had been issued to an independent association of journalists reporting for regional Arab media, according to press reports. The government continued to block the six-year effort by journalists to form the association.

In addition, the government did not permit the establishment of independent political parties. In recent years citizens have sought to establish political parties but have not received licenses from the government. In practice, however, the government tolerated some political parties, such as the Communist Union Movement. Additionally, there are illegal parties, such as the Communist Action Party, the People’s Party, and the Arab Social Union, that suffer harassment but not automatic arrest for membership. The government forbids membership in Islamist parties, and members of Islamist parties were subjected to immediate arrest and execution.

The government granted registration to some groups not engaged in political or other activities deemed sensitive. However, the government restricted the activities of associations and their members, and the executive boards of professional associations were not independent.

On March 18, according to a human rights organization, the SSSC sentenced Taiseer Naasan, who allegedly belonged to the Islamic Liberation Party, to 12 years in prison for belonging to an organization “created to change the economic or social structure of the state,” opposing the objectives of the revolution, and forgery. On the same day, five other individuals--Hilal Hameed, Adel Ahmed Hajj, Jumaa Hussein Shehada, Yasir Hameed Saleh, and Muhammad al-Gallway--were sentenced to prison terms of seven to 12 years for their alleged membership in an organization “created to change the economic or social structure of the state.” The men had been in detention since 2005.

On November 2, the Court of Cassation overturned an August 20 ruling by the second criminal court of Damascus that had rejected Michel Kilo’s and Mahmoud Issa’s request for early release. Kilo and Issa were arrested in 2006 and sentenced in May 2007 to three years in prison for “weakening national sentiment.” Before Kilo and Issa were released, however, the prosecutor appealed the decision. On December 15, the Court of Cassation in a plenary appeal session ruled against Kilo and Issa’s early release, requiring them to serve their full sentences.

c. Freedom of Religion

The constitution provides for freedom of religion, and the government generally respected this right in practice; however, it imposed some restrictions. The government discouraged public proselytism and monitored groups it considered to practice militant Islam. Human rights organizations reported that alleged Islamist prisoners and detainees were subject to torture and mistreatment in custody. The government continued its 1964 ban of Jehovah’s Witnesses; however, they continued to practice their religion privately.

There is no official state religion; however, the constitution requires that the president be Muslim and stipulates that Islamic jurisprudence is a principal source of legislation. Sunni Muslims constituted approximately 74 percent of the population. Other Muslim groups, including Alawi, Ismailis, and Shi’a, constituted an estimated 13 percent of the population. The Druze accounted for an estimated 3 percent of the population, while various Christian denominations accounted for the remaining 10 percent.

All religions and religious orders must register with the government, which monitored fundraising and required permits for all meetings by religious groups, except for worship. The constitution stipulates the separation of religious institutions and the state; however, the government routinely intervened in and controlled religious groups up to and including the grand mufti, who is appointed by the government. Religious groups tended to avoid any involvement in internal political affairs.

The government generally refrained from involvement in strictly religious issues. However, a local human rights group stated that in February, in the northeastern province of Deir Ezzor, the SMI arrested a number of citizens for their opposition to Shiite proselytism in the area, especially in the town of Khatlah. The human rights group stated that the detainees were affiliated with moderate Sufiism. Three of the detained were identified as Tareq al-Hasan (civil engineer), Ahmad To’mah (dentist), and Ahmad al-Rumh (teacher and speaker at the Mus’ab Ibn Umair’ Mosque in Deir Ezzor). The government cited national security as the reason for barring Jewish citizens from government employment, serving in the armed forces, and maintaining contact with Israel. Jews also were the only religious minority group whose passports and identity cards noted their religion. Jewish citizens had to obtain permission from the security services before traveling abroad and faced excessive government scrutiny when applying for licenses, deeds, or other official documents. The government enforced a law against exporting historical and cultural treasures to prohibit the Jewish community from sending historical Torahs abroad.

All public schools are overseen by the government and are nonsectarian; however, Christian and Druze minorities operated a number of private schools that followed the state curriculum. There was mandatory religious instruction in schools with government-approved teachers and curriculums. Religion courses were divided into separate classes for Muslim and Christian students. Although Arabic is the official language in public schools, the government permitted the teaching of Armenian, Hebrew, Syriac (Aramaic), and Chaldean as “liturgical languages.”

Muslims and Christians are subject to their respective religious laws on marriage and divorce. In 2006 a new Personal Status Law for Catholics went into effect, giving Catholics their own laws for adoption, inheritance, and guardianship. Previously, Catholics were subject to some Shari’a-based laws. Orthodox and other Christians remained subject to Shari’a in matters pertaining to adoption, inheritance, and guardianship. In matters pertaining to marriage and divorce, however, Orthodox and other Christians were to follow the laws of their respective churches. Regardless of religion, however, child custody laws for all children remained based on Shari’a.

Although the law does not prohibit proselytizing, in practice the government discouraged such activity, deeming it a threat to relations among religious groups. Foreign missionaries were present but operated discreetly.

The government considered militant Islam a threat and monitored its adherents. The government also monitored and controlled sermons and dictated that mosques (except those which are major tourist sites) remain closed outside of prayer time.

Societal Abuses and Discrimination

There was little evidence of societal discrimination or violence against religious minorities. Some Islamic education textbooks stated that Christians and Jews resident in Islamist states should pay jiziah (a special tax).

Societal conventions as well as religious and theological proscriptions made conversions relatively rare, especially from Islam to Christianity. In many cases societal pressure forced those who undertook such conversions to relocate within the country or leave the country altogether to practice their religion openly.

There were no reported acts of physical violence against, or harassment of, Jewish persons, an estimated 100 of whom lived in the country, according to the Israeli Web site Haaretz.com. The government condoned anti-Semitism in state-owned radio and television programming, newspapers, and other mass media. Anti-Israel material was widespread, some of which carried anti-Semitic overtones.

On February 11, Syrian Satellite TV in Damascus aired “Circle of Events,” a live talk show hosted by Nidal Qabalan. In his opening comments he made reference to “Nazi Zionists.” One of the guests on the show, Hasan Junyeh, a professor of international law, stated that Israel did not have a democratic government, but a “Fascist Zionist regime.”

On March 3, an editorial appearing in Damascus Syria Times argued that only a concerted effort by nations in the region could halt the “neo-Nazi Israeli genocide.”

On March 9, Damascus Syria Times published an on-line article that criticized United States support of “Israeli neo-Nazis.”

On March 9, Al-Thawra published an Internet article that accused the Western media of not paying attention to “the Zionist holocaust in Gaza.”

On April 11, Al-Thawra­ published an article on the Internet that stated the crimes of Israel were “worse than the Nazi and Fascist crimes.”

On May 17, in reaction to the U.S. president’s speech before the Knesset, Tishrin published an article accusing both major U.S. political parties of being committed to the “religious edicts of Zionist rabbis” and that these edicts were more “racist, brutal, and terrorist than the Nazi pronouncements.”

For a more detailed discussion, see the 2008 International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/g/drl/irf.

d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, and Repatriation

The constitution provides for freedom of movement “within the territories of the state unless restricted by a judicial decision or by the implementation of laws.” While citizens are ostensibly free to travel internationally, the government limited freedom of movement in practice by requiring citizens to apply for exit visas.

The government maintained security checkpoints, primarily in military and other restricted areas. There were few police checkpoints on main roads or in populated areas. The security services used checkpoints to conduct searches without warrants for smuggled goods, weapons, narcotics, and subversive literature.

During the year the government increased the use of travel bans to prevent more than 100 critics of the regime, human rights activists, political reformers, and civil society leaders from leaving the country. The government usually applied travel bans without any explanation for their basis or duration, even when individuals needed to travel for health reasons. In some cases citizens learned of the ban against their travel only after being prevented from departing the country.

Individuals whom the government banned from traveling internationally during the year included a naturalized American citizen of Syrian descent; Mustafa Haied, prohibited from leaving the country for alleged security reasons; Abdulhafeez Hafez, whose place of work (a library) was also raided by security forces; lawyer, former cabinet minister, and Democratic Arab Socialist Union deputy general secretary Muhammad Abdul-Majeed Manjounah, who reportedly planned to travel to Yemen to attend a Pan-Arab conference; Radeef Moustapha, chairman of the Kurdish Committee for Human Rights in Syria, who planned to travel to France to attend a training workshop; writer and journalist Khaled Smeisima; Dr. Hassan Abbas, a translator and professor; Mazen Darwish, head of the Syrian Center for Media and the Freedom of Expression; internationally acclaimed film director Muhammed Malas, who planned to travel to Paris and Rome on film-related business; Ma’rouf Mulla Ahmed, senior member of the Kurdish Yekiti Party; Abdul Satter Qattan, a human rights activist and former prisoner of conscience; Rajaa An-Nasser, secretary of the Arab Democratic Socialist Union party; and Muhanad al-Hasani, chairman of Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. There were no updates on travel bans instituted in previous years.

During the year authorities also reportedly imposed heavy fines on more than 10 women from neighboring Gulf states before they could return to their home countries. Human rights observers believed the fines evinced corrupt government officials’ attempts at extortion.

Travel to Israel is illegal, and the government restricted travel near the Golan Heights.

Women over the age of 18 have the legal right to travel without the permission of male relatives; however, a husband or a father may file a request with the MOI to prohibit his wife or minor dependents’ departure from the country.

The government refused to recognize the citizenship of, or grant identity documents to, approximately 300,000 persons of Kurdish descent. Lack of citizenship or identity documents restricted their travel to and from the country. In his inauguration speech in July 2007, the president stated again that the government would try to resolve the issue of stateless Kurds; however, at year’s end there had been no progress. Syrian emigrants who did not complete mandatory military service could pay a fee to avoid conscription while visiting the country. Persons of Syrian origin who were born in a foreign country but were able to demonstrate service in the army of the country of birth were exempted from military service without payment.

Until September 2007, as has been long-standing practice, citizens of Arab League countries were able to enter the country without a visa for a stay of up to three months, a period that could be renewed. On September 10, 2007, the government, citing the ongoing Iraqi refugee crisis, required all Iraqis to obtain a visa before entry. The government postponed implementation of this new policy until October 1. At year’s end Iraqis needed a visa to enter the country; however, the extent to which this policy was being enforced at the border and the exact visa requirements remained unclear.

Residency permits required proof of employment and a fixed address in the country. Officials continued to assert publicly that nonpermanent resident males between the ages of 18 and 30 could be denied entry for a number of reasons, including traveling alone, student or recent graduate status, residence in a country other than their own, and “suspicious” travel abroad.

The constitution prohibits forced exile, and there were no reports of forced exile during the year.

The law provides for the prosecution of any person who attempts to seek refuge in another country to escape a penalty in Syria. Persons who have unsuccessfully sought asylum in other countries and who have past connections with the MB have been prosecuted upon their return to Syria. The government routinely arrested both dissidents and former citizens with no known political affiliation who tried to return to the country after years or even decades in exile.

On January 16, security services arrested Izzideen Muhammad Hussein, a Syrian and German citizen, upon his arrival at Damascus International Airport and held him for three days. No reason for his arrest was given.

On February 2, the PSD reportedly arrested Faisal Ahmad al-Kurdi at Damascus International Airport upon his arrival from Germany where he lived. Before traveling, the report stated, al-Kurdi sought and received assurances from the Syrian embassy in Berlin that he was not wanted by any Syrian security branch, and al-Kurdi had completed his required military service. He was reportedly held for several days and then released.

On March 9, the SMI in Aleppo arrested Abdul Rahman al-Khamis a few weeks after his return from Saudi Arabia, where he had lived for the last 25 years, according to a local human rights group. Authorities reportedly gave no reason for the arrest and released al-Khamis on April 27.

On August 8, authorities reportedly arrested Syrian-Czech citizen Na’eem Nasla upon his arrival at Aleppo airport from the Czech Republic where he lived and worked. He was transferred to the SMI Palestine Branch for interrogation and released on August 11.

On October 9, authorities reportedly arrested Fuad Hussein, a British national of Palestinian descent, at the Syrian-Jordanian border, according to human rights observers. Hussein was traveling to Damascus with his wife to visit her relatives. Hussein, an engineer, left Britain three years ago to live in Jordan. He suffers from a number of health conditions, including high blood pressure and diabetes. There was no further information on his status or confirmation on his nationality at year’s end.

Protection of Refugees

The government is not a party to either the 1951 UN Convention relating to the Status of Refugees or its 1967 protocol. It generally cooperated with the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) in assisting internally displaced persons, refugees, stateless persons, and asylum seekers and respected UNHCR’s eligibility determinations regarding asylum seekers. Generally, the government provided some protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened. One notable exception to this was the detention and alleged forced return of several Iranian Ahvazis who were recognized refugees.

The Ahvazi Centre for Human Rights and other sources reported that the government arrested and returned seven Ahvazis to Iranian authorities during the year. These include Danish citizen Saied Hammadi, arrested on March 5 at Damascus International Airport, and Masouma Al-Kaabi, wife of Habib Jaber, a refugee in Denmark, and their five children, who were arrested in Damascus on September 28.

UNRWA reported that there were approximately 450,000 registered Palestinian refugees in the country during the year. The General Authority of Palestinian Arab Refugees in Syria, the government agency established to coordinate assistance and protection to refugees, continued to provide assistance to Palestinian refugees during the year. Palestinian refugees with Syrian travel documents generally reported little difficulty traveling in and out of the country. The government refused to permit the full integration of these Palestinians into Syrian society. At year’s end there were approximately 300 Palestinian refugees from Iraq registered at al-Hol, while another group of over 900 Iraqi Palestinians remained stranded between the Iraq-Syria border at the al-Tanf crossing. Other sources have reported that security forces deported some Palestinian refugees (coming from Iraq) from Damascus, where they sometimes tried to blend into the larger Palestinian community or pass themselves off as Iraqis, to the camp at al-Tanf.

On October 9, according to Lebanese media outlets Al-Liwaa and Naharnet.com, security agents killed Palestinian refugee Abu Ibrahim in the unofficial Palestinian refugee camp of Yarmouk. Abu Ibrahim (which was the individual’s alias) was married to Wafaa al-Absi, the daughter of Shaker al-Absi, a leader of Fatah al-Islam.

As of November more than 219,000 Iraqi refugees registered with the UNHCR, and most received legal and material assistance from the UNHCR and other international and nongovernmental humanitarian organizations. On November 17, the government and UNHCR signed a memorandum of understanding that stipulates for UNHCR to support the efforts of the government in providing medical services to Iraqi refugees until the end of 2008. No new memorandum was signed by year’s end. The government estimated in September that approximately 1.2 million displaced Iraqis lived in the country with valid visas. It is not known how many Iraqis are in the country without visas.

In October, approximately 400 Iraqi Christians, fleeing violent attacks aimed at the Christian community in Mosul, Iraq, crossed into northern Syria as refugees. According to its Web site UNHCR has been closely monitoring the situation in order to ensure these refugees are given proper assistance upon arrival in Syria. AT year’s end, the UNHCR has registered or is in the process of registering around 45 families from Mosul (20 in Aleppo and the rest in Damascus) and has begun assessing them for emergency grants and food assistance.

The government generally continued to honor UNHCR’s request that states maintain some temporary protection for all Iraqi asylum seekers and persons whose applications have been rejected. The government recognized refugees whose cases had been suspended by resettlement countries during the year. However, UNHCR received unconfirmed reports that the government deported some Iraqis during the year.

UNHCR does not promote voluntary repatriation to Iraq; however, given that some families are returning, UNHCR provided counseling and assistance to 68 returning families. According to UNHCR figures, during the year 8,180 persons from Somalia, Sudan, Yemen, Afghanistan, Algeria, Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Iran were recognized as refugees or had asylum cases pending.

There are no direct provisions in the law giving refugees the right to work. However, according to UNRWA, the rules for employment of citizens were applicable to Palestinian refugees provided that they have been living in the country for at least ten years. Obtaining a work permit is a lengthy and complicated process; refugees were rarely granted a permit. In reality many refugees found daily labor in the informal sector mainly as guards, construction workers, street vendors, and in other manual labor jobs. There were reports of refugees, particularly Iraqi girls and women, who worked in the country as prostitutes, but no reliable statistics were available.

Most public schools were unable to accommodate fully the large number of children of Iraqi refugees. The government allowed Iraqi children to attend schools, and according to a UNHCR estimate, more than 49,000 Iraqi children were enrolled in public schools during the 2007/2008 academic year. Many Iraqi children were still not attending school for multiple reasons including overcrowded schools, difficulties with the curriculum, and previous psychological trauma of the parents and children.

Stateless Persons

Citizenship is derived from the father, not place of birth or birth mother. Following the 1962 census, approximately 120,000 Syrian Kurds lost their citizenship, which the government has never restored. As a result, those who lost their nationality, including their children, remained severely disadvantaged in participating in civil life and in receiving government services including health and education, as well as employment open only to citizens. Stateless Kurds had limited access to university education. UNHCR and Refugees International estimated there were approximately 300,000 stateless Kurds.

Despite the president’s repeated promises to work to resolve the issue of the Kurds, the latest in his July 2007 inauguration speech, no progress was made during the year.

Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government

The constitution requires that the president be elected by referendum, and the parliament selects a presidential candidate at the discretion of the regional Ba’ath Party leadership. A presidential candidate is then approved by a majority of votes in a popular referendum. Although citizens vote for the president and MPs, in practice they did not have the right to change their government because elections were neither free nor fair.

Elections and Political Participation

No general elections took place during the year on the parliamentary, presidential, or local levels. However, on November 9, the Damascus Chamber of Commerce (DCC) held elections. Eight DCC officials, who ran together on a single slate, were re-elected. Another incumbent won election as an independent. Voters elected in three new members, two of whom ran together and one who ran as an independent. Eligible voters for DCC elections must own a properly government-registered business, be registered with the DCC, and have paid in full all DCC dues. No foreign national business owners, with the exception of Palestinians who have Syrian residency documents, are eligible to vote in these elections. For the DCC election, 7,150 out of 30,000 members were eligible to vote; 2,513 actually voted. DCC conducts elections on an open list system for the twelve available seats: candidates can run together as a slate or independently. There are no restrictions on how many candidates can appear on a single slate. Voters may choose to vote for a whole slate, selected individuals on a slate, as well as independents.

In 2007 presidential, parliamentary, and local elections occurred. International election monitors were not allowed to enter the country to observe any of the elections. International and local human rights advocates judged all three elections as neither free nor fair and asserted that they served to reassert the primacy and political monopoly of power wielded by President al-Asad and the Ba’ath Party apparatus.

In May 2007 an unopposed referendum confirmed Bashar al-Asad as president for a second seven-year term. Although some opposition groups estimated voter turnout at significantly less than 50 percent, government statistics declared al-Asad had won 98 percent of the vote with voter turnout officially reported at 96 percent. Outside observers uniformly dismissed the voter statistics as fraudulent and not representative of observed participation. Citizens were not formally required by law to vote; however, voters received a stamp on their voter card, which authorities sometimes requested when providing services.

The president appoints the vice presidents, prime minister, deputy prime ministers, and Council of Ministers and has the discretion to change these appointments. The president and his senior aides, particularly those in the military and security services, made most political and economic decisions with a very limited degree of public accountability.

The president and the Ba’ath Party suppressed political opposition. The constitution provides that the Ba’ath Party is the ruling party and ensures it has a majority in all government and popular associations, such as workers’ and women’s groups. The Ba’ath Party and nine other smaller satellite political parties comprise the NPF, originally established in 1971. The NPF represented the only framework for legal political party participation for citizens; however, the Ba’ath Party dominated it, and the one-party character of the political system remained.

The Ba’ath Party dominated the 250-member parliament, or People’s Council. Parliamentarians can criticize policies and modify draft laws; however, the executive branch retains ultimate control over the legislative process. During parliamentary and local elections in August 2007, NPF candidates won an overwhelming majority of offices in elections observers characterized as neither free nor fair. Some carefully vetted independents were permitted to run and win seats at both levels.

Women and minorities, with the exception of the Jewish population and stateless Kurds, participated in the political system without restriction. During the year, a female vice president and two female cabinet ministers were in office. Thirty of the 250 MPs were women.

The government did not provide information on the ethnic or religious composition of parliament or the cabinet. According to human rights observers, ethnic and religious minorities claimed they had no genuine representation in the government.

In 2004 the government banned all political activities by the 12 Syrian Kurdish parties, although enforcement has varied. The Syrian MB has remained banned in the country since 1963.

Government Corruption and Transparency

The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, corruption and impunity remained serious problems. It is rare for the highest-level officials to be exposed to corruption charges. In nearly all cases, such charges were used by the regime as a political tool to attack its perceived enemies or rivals.

At year’s end the government had dismissed approximately 300 public employees on charges of corruption and similar abuses.

There are no laws providing for public access to government information. There are no public financial disclosure laws for public officials.

Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights

There were no legal domestic human rights groups, but approximately 14 human rights groups operated illegally in the country. During the year there were reports of government harassment of domestic human rights activists, including regular, close surveillance and the imposition of travel bans on them as they sought to attend workshops and conferences outside the country.

The government stated that it responds in writing to all inquiries from NGOs regarding human rights issues, including the cases of individual detainees and prisoners, through an interagency governmental committee attached to the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor. However, NGOs reported that they rarely receive responses from the Ministry. The government normally responded to queries from human rights organizations and foreign embassies regarding specific cases by claiming that the case was still under investigation, that the prisoner in question violated national security laws, or, if the case was in criminal court, that the country has an independent judiciary and the executive cannot interfere.

In general the government remained highly suspicious of international human rights NGOs and typically did not allow them into the country; however, in June and July 2007 the Swiss NGO Geneva Institute for Human Rights offered human rights training for police officers in the country. The NGO worked closely with and eventually received the sponsorship of the MOI. Neither HRW nor AI visited the country during the year.

In past years the government had never allowed an international NGO to set up aid and development operations in the country. By year’s end, according to the UNHCR, the government had signed memoranda of understanding with 10 international humanitarian NGOs (Première Urgence, the Danish Refugee Council, International Medical Corps, the Qatari Red Crescent, the Institut Européen de Coopération et de Développement, the Turkish Blue Crescent, Enfants du Monde Droits de l’Homme, HELP, International Rescue Committee, and the Islamic Relief France), officially authorizing them to begin work in the country. At year’s end three of the 10 had begun operating: Première Urgence, the Danish Refugee Council, and International Medical Corps.

As a matter of policy, the government has denied in the past to international human rights groups that it commits human rights abuses.

On February 14, UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres visited the country and met with President Asad. Guterres stated that he received assurances from the president that Iraqi refugees would not be sent back against their will.

From April 7 to 10, UNRWA Commissioner-General Karen AbuZayd attended meetings with First Lady Asma al-Asad, the prime minister, the deputy minister of foreign affairs, and the minister of social affairs and labor to discuss UNRWA’s growing microfinance program, its Neirab rehousing project in Aleppo, its reform efforts, and the overall situation of Palestine refugees in the country. She returned for the October 14 launch of UNRWA’s “Violence-Free Schools” campaign and the opening of new school buildings in Homs and Khan Eshieh camps. The General Authority for Palestinian Arab Refugees supported her visit and cooperated in the Agency’s campaign. As in past years, UNRWA reported having a “highly productive” working relationship with the Syrian government.

On June 9, 23 members and observers from the UNRWA Advisory Commission visited a Damascus refugee training center and a number of projects in the Yarmouk Camp. In addition, the commission held a meeting on June 10 and 11 under Syria’s chairmanship. UNRWA Commissioner-General Karen AbuZayd attended.

Section 5 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons

The constitution provides for equal rights and equal opportunity for all citizens, and discrimination based on race, gender, disability, language, or social status is prohibited; however, the government did not enforce the law effectively. For example, membership in the Ba’ath Party or close familial relations with a prominent party member or powerful government official helped economic, social, or educational advancement. Party or government connections paved the way for entrance into better elementary and secondary schools, access to lucrative employment, and greater power within the government, the military, and the security services. Certain prominent positions, such as that of provincial governor, were reserved solely for Ba’ath Party members. There was governmental and societal discrimination against stateless Kurds and Jews.

Women

Rape is a felony; however, there are no laws against spousal rape. According to the law, “the punishment for a man who rapes a woman (other than his wife) is at least 15 years in prison.” However, if the individual who commits the crime agrees to marry the victim, he faces no punishment. The victim’s family sometimes agrees to this arrangement to avoid the social scandal and stigma attached to rape. If the victim is too young for marriage, the rapist receives a longer prison sentence. No statistics were kept on spousal rape because it is not a crime under the law.

The law does not specifically prohibit domestic violence, and violence against women occurred during the year. A 2006 study reported that as many as one in four women surveyed had been victims of violence. The vast majority of domestic violence and sexual assault cases likely went unreported, as some victims were reluctant to seek assistance outside the family. Observers reported that when some abused women tried to file a police report, the police did not respond aggressively, if at all, to their claims. Women reported incidents at police stations of sexual harassment, verbal abuse, hair pulling, and slapping by police officers when attempting to file police reports, particularly at the Criminal Security branch at Bab Musallah in Damascus.

Victims of domestic violence have the legal right to seek redress in court, but few did so because of the social stigma attached to such action. The Syrian Women’s Federation offered counseling services to battered wives to remedy individual family problems. The Syrian Family Planning Association also provided counseling. Some private groups, including the Family Planning Association, organized seminars on violence against women. There was believed to be at least one private shelter specifically designated for battered women who fled from their husbands.

The law specifically provides for reduced sentences in “honor” crimes; however, the government began to discuss changing the law. In October the Syrian Commission for Family Affairs, in cooperation with the Ministries of Justice and Religious Endowments, convened a national forum to discuss the revocation of laws mitigating punishment for honor killings, and parliamentarians in attendance reportedly voiced support for the repeal.

No official statistics were kept on honor crimes, and when cases were reported, full names were rarely given. Advocacy groups did not release full names in order to protect victims. However, there were numerous press and anecdotal reports of honor crimes throughout the year.

In late December 2007 or early January 2008, Muhammad Saleem Kefaya slit the throat of his sister, Yasmina Kefaya, and then immediately turned himself into the police, claiming that he had killed her to “wash away” the family’s dishonor. Authorities had previously arrested Muhammad and Yasmina for theft and prostitution, respectively. There were no new developments on this case at year’s end.

A women’s advocacy Web site reported on January 5 that 22-year-old Eman Watta was killed by her brother at their home near Idlib, in northwestern Syria. Watta’s shame was that her husband divorced her and returned her to her parents’ home because he suspected her of being disloyal. Watta’s brother surrendered himself to police. At year’s end there was no further information as to whether police had actually charged and imprisoned the individual.

On February 28, a 23-year-old man named Haitham reportedly attempted to kill his 20-year-old sister Widad for having a second marriage without a legal divorce from her first husband. Haitham shot at his sister but hit and critically injured her second husband instead. There were no further developments in the case at year’s end.

In May, in Latakia, according to the Web site of the International Campaign Against Honor Killings, a local court sentenced an unidentified male to 15 years’ imprisonment for the murder by shooting of his sister. The court made its decision based on a coroner’s report stating that the victim’s hymen was intact. The defendant claimed to have been told that his sister was concealing a pregnancy.

On May 10, 14-year-old Zeina Daadoush was killed by her brother because of her purported relationship with a 16-year-old male youth.

In September a man reportedly shot and killed his two sisters, Safanah and Joumana, in Ragga for dishonoring their family. The sisters had left home in 2007 without telling their family. The family filed a missing persons report with the police, which eventually led to the detention of the two sisters. Police released the two sisters to family members after the family signed a statement forswearing violent punishment. Eight months after their return, their brother killed them both at home and then surrendered to police. There were no further developments in the case at year’s end.

On September 15, a local women’s advocacy Web site reported that in the town of Idlib, 17-year-old Dardaa was killed by her father as a result of her alleged involvement with a married man. The married man reportedly lured Dardaa to Damascus with the prospect of marriage. After a short time, he returned her to her family, never having married her. At year’s end there were no further developments in this case.

There were no new developments in the January 2007 case of the honor killing of 16-year-old Zahra al-Ezzo by her brother.

The law prohibits prostitution, but it was not strictly enforced. During the year there was evidence that Iraqi women residing in the country, including minors, were increasingly resorting to prostitution in order to survive. Police placed criminal liability in nearly all the cases on the person in prostitution, not others involved. Anecdotal evidence also suggested that the country was a destination for sex tourism for men from other countries in the region.

The UNHCR observed that there was a growing practice of muta’a, a temporary pleasure marriage conducted by some Shiite clerics. The length of these marriages are predetermined at the outset and become null and void once the agreed-upon term has passed. They can last as little as one day and primarily serve individuals seeking to legitimize patronizing prostitutes. However, the majority of Shiite clerics viewed the practice as suspect and did not conduct such marriages.

The law prohibits sexual harassment and specifies different punishments depending on whether the victim is a minor or an adult. Sexual harassment was rarely reported.

The constitution provides for equality between men and women and equal pay for equal work. Moreover, the government sought to overcome traditional discriminatory attitudes toward women and encouraged women’s education by ensuring equal access to educational institutions, including universities. The Commission for Family Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry for Social Affairs and Labor all share responsibilities in ensuring legal rights of women.

The government has not changed personal status, retirement, or social security laws that discriminate against women. Under criminal law, if a man and woman separately commit the same criminal act of adultery, the woman’s punishment is double that of the man’s. Also, for Muslims personal status law is based on the government’s interpretation and application of Shari’a, which discriminates against women.

Husbands and wives can claim adultery as grounds for divorce; however, criminal law discriminates against women in this regard. A man can be accused of adultery only if his actions occur in the home that he shares with his wife; a woman can be accused of adultery regardless of venue. The court accepts any evidence a man presents when claiming adultery; if a woman attempts to file for divorce based on adultery, her husband must admit to the crime, or there must be a third witness to the act. During the year there were no reported cases where a woman successfully filed for divorce based on adultery.

A divorced woman might not be entitled to alimony in some cases, particularly if she gave up her right to it in order to persuade her husband to agree to the divorce. In addition, under the Personal Status Law modified in 2003, a divorced mother loses the right to physical custody of her sons when they reach the age of 13 and of her daughters at age 15. Guardianship, or control over exercise of the legal rights of the children, always goes to the paternal side of the family after the age of 13 and 15, respectively.

Inheritance for all citizens except Catholics is based on the government’s interpretation of Shari’a. Accordingly, Muslim women usually were granted half of the inheritance share of male heirs. In all communities, however, male heirs must provide financial support to the female relatives who inherit less. If they do not, females have the right to sue. During the year, however, there were reports that in some regions of the country custom prevailed over the law, and women were denied any inheritance whatsoever.

For example, Turkish Weekly reported on October 18 that local communities in Deir al-Zur, a rural region in the northeastern region, denied women their legal inheritance. This report was based on a study conducted during the year by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor. According to the article, family and community members threatened and intimidated women into giving up pursuit of their lawful inheritance. In some cases women gave up their rights voluntarily.

Polygamy is legal but was practiced only by a small number of Muslims.

A husband, or any male relative, may request that his wife and his wife’s children’s travel abroad be prohibited. While official statistics were not available, foreign embassies reported a number of such incidents during the year. Women participated actively in public life and were represented in most professions, including the armed forces. Women were not impeded from owning or managing land or other real property. During the year women constituted approximately 13 percent of judges, 18 percent of lawyers, 65 percent of teachers below university level, 27 percent of university professors, and 49 percent of university graduates. In addition, women accounted for 30 MPs, one cabinet minister, and one vice president. The president promoted a former cabinet minister to the position of political and media advisor to the president; she maintained ministerial rank.

Children

The government provided free public education to citizen children from primary school through university. Education is compulsory for all children, male and female, between the ages of six and 12. Noncitizen children could also attend public schools for free but required prior permission from the Ministry of Education. According to a 2005 joint study by the UN Development Program and the State Planning Commission, 49.6 percent of students through the secondary level were female. Nevertheless, societal pressure for early marriage and childbearing interfered with girls’ educational progress, particularly in rural areas, where the dropout rates for female students remained high.

In general Palestinians and other noncitizens, including stateless Kurds, can send their children to school and universities; however, stateless Kurds are ineligible to receive a degree documenting their academic achievement.

The legal age for marriage is 18 for males and 17 for females. However, a male 15 years of age or older and a female 13 years of age or older may be married if both are deemed by a judge to be willing parties to the marriage and “physically mature” and with consent by the father or grandfather. While underage marriage has declined considerably in the past decades, it was still common in the country. It occurred in all communities but tended to be more prevalent in rural and lesser-developed regions.

The law provides for severe penalties for those found guilty of the most serious abuses against children. Although there were cases of child abuse, there was no societal pattern of abuse against children.

Human rights organizations reported multiple cases where security services detained minors and placed them in adult prisons.

Trafficking in Persons

The law prohibits trafficking in persons; however, the government does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and did not make significant efforts to do so during the year. Syria was a destination and transit country for women trafficked from South and Southeast Asia and Africa for the purpose of domestic servitude and from Eastern Europe and Iraq for sexual exploitation. There were no statistics available on the scope and type of trafficking that exists.

There were reports by NGOs and the press indicating that Iraqi women and girls may be subjected to forced commercial sexual exploitation, some by Iraqi criminal networks in the country. No reliable statistics were available regarding the number of Iraqi refugees working as prostitutes. Credible sources reported that police detained and either released or deported back to Iraq approximately six to 10 Iraqi girls and 50 to 70 women each month for prostitution. In many cases where women or girls were returned to Iraq, they were frequently retrafficked back into Syria. Police placed criminal liability in nearly all on the female, not the traffickers.

A 2003 International Organization for Migration (IOM) study also indicated that some individuals brought into the country to work as domestic workers suffered conditions that constituted involuntary servitude, including physical and sexual abuse, threats of deportation or other legal consequences, denial or delayed payment of wages, withholding of passports, and restriction of movement. The IOM study documented cases in which manpower agencies in the country that hired foreign domestic workers lured some victims through fraudulent or deceptive offers of employment, despite the fact that such manpower agencies are banned.

The penal code stipulates that whoever incarcerates another person is subjected to a prison sentence of six months to two years, including hard labor if the incarceration lasts for more than one month or includes torture. The law also states that any foreigner who tries to enter the country with false documentation and anyone who may have aided that foreigner is subject to imprisonment of three months to one year and a fine of 500 to 2,000 pounds ($10-$40). However, these laws were not enforced for antitrafficking purposes in practice during the year.

The government did not provide victims of trafficking with shelter or other rehabilitative services, and some minor victims were reportedly housed in juvenile detention facilities.

In August Oasis, a women’s shelter in Damascus, opened its doors under the supervision of the Association for Women’s Role Development, a local organization sponsored by First Lady Asma al-Asad.

The UNHCR operated several safe houses in Damascus for women deemed “at risk.” They provided financial assistance to more than 20,000 female victims at all age levels, 2,116 of whom represented single female households.

On December 31, the first shelter for victims of trafficking in the country opened in cooperation between the IOM, the Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor (MSAL), and local NGOs. MSAL provided the premises for the shelter, which provided victims a temporary safe haven, psychosocial support, life skills development, and return and reintegration assistance. It also provided direct livelihood assistance to potential vulnerable groups of Iraqi women and children and other nationalities.

In addition, a local Christian convent operated a women’s shelter and a daily hot line, and it also offered free legal counsel.

The government also does not regulate illegal employment agencies that bring in and, in some cases, facilitate victims’ exploitation. The governments of Sri Lanka, Indonesia, East Timor, and the Philippines banned their citizens from taking employment as domestic workers in the country due to the absence of formal mechanisms to regulate such employment. Despite public statements by officials of their intent to pass legislation to regulate private manpower agencies, which operated illegally in the country, no progress on the matter was made public.

Persons with Disabilities

The law prohibits discrimination against persons with disabilities and seeks to integrate them into the public sector work force; however, implementation remained inconsistent. The law protects persons with disabilities from being discriminated against when it comes to education, access to health, or provision of other state services. Government regulations reserve 4 percent of government and public-sector jobs for persons with disabilities. There are no laws that mandate access to public buildings for persons with disabilities. MSAL is responsible for assisting persons with disabilities and worked through dedicated charities or organizations to provide assistance, often to promote self-sufficiency through vocational training.

National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities

The government generally permitted national and ethnic minorities to conduct traditional, religious, and cultural activities; however, the government’s attitude toward the Kurdish minority remained a significant exception.

Security services arrested hundreds of Kurdish citizens during the year, and the SSSC prosecuted them, in most cases on charges of seeking to annex part of Syria to another country.

On February 17, security forces reportedly arrested two Kurdish activists and PYD supporters, Jehan Muhammad Ali and Hanifa Habo, after the two attended a demonstration in Aleppo on the anniversary of Kurdish leader Abdullah Ocalan’s arrest. Both men remained detained at year’s end.

On February 20, security services reportedly arrested Kurdish citizen Jaker Khwen Mala Ahmad for his participation in the Yekiti party. He was released on February 25 without being charged.

On March 4, authorities arrested Kurdish citizen Nalin Jamal Sarik, who had participated in a PYD-sponsored gathering in Qamishli.

On April 22, authorities reportedly arrested four Kurds in Ifreen, including Muhammad Rasho, Bakara Muslim, and Saema Ismael. There were no further developments in this case at year’s end.

On March 20, according to a local human rights group, authorities arrested Aras al-Yosef and Bawer Abdulrazaq Oso, both Kurds and university students. Al-Yosef and Oso were released on March 21 and 23, respectively.

On May 5, a security patrol reportedly arrested two Kurds, Bahrouz Sarif Yousef and Hussein Biro Darwish, in Damascus. A human rights organization’s report alleged the reason for their detention was their public stance on Kurdish issues. Yousef was released in July; there were no further developments in Darwish’s case at year’s end.

On October 26, security forces reportedly arrested two leaders of the Kurdish Azadi Party, Saadun Mahmoud Sheykho and Muhammed Said Hussein al-Omar, and detained them in Ra’s al-Ayn, a city on the Turkish border in northeastern Syria. At year’s end their whereabouts remained unknown.

On November 2, Hervin Osse, Hasan Saleh, Fouad Aleko, and Abdul Hakim Bashar were among more than 191 Kurds whom security forces arrested in connection with an attempted demonstration in front of the parliament building in Damascus. The protesters intended a peaceful sit-in, but they were rounded up by police before reaching the parliament. Nearly all were released the same evening.

On March 5, authorities released Kurdish political activist Marouf Mella Ahmad. Mella, a leading figure in the Yeketi Party, was detained in August 2007.

According to a human rights group, during the year authorities released from detention 36 Kurdish youth held since November 2007. All the individuals were reportedly from Ein al-Arab, a small city on the Syria-Turkey border.

There were no further developments in the 2007 case of Muhammad Khalil Abo Zaid.

The trial of 49 Kurds connected to the 2005 protest following Kurdish Sheikh Mashook al-Khaznawi’s kidnapping and death continued at year’s end with no notable developments, despite the government’s announcement that they were granted amnesty in 2006. The most recent trial appearance took place on March 13, at which time the trial was postponed until August 5. The trial was ongoing at year’s end.

Although the government contended that there was no discrimination against the Kurdish population, it placed limits on the use and teaching of the Kurdish language. It also restricted the publication of books and other materials written in Kurdish, Kurdish cultural expression, and at times, the celebration of Kurdish festivals.

For example, in February security forces reportedly arrested 71-year-old Kurdish singer Ali Tajo. There were conflicting stories surrounding his disappearance. One Kurdish human rights organization claimed that a Kurdish television program in Iraq had scheduled Ali Tajo to participate in a folkloric production and that he was arrested at the Syria-Iraq border. A second Kurdish group stated that Tajo had entertained a group of Kurdish singers from Iraqi Kurdistan in his Aleppo home. Afterwards, local police raided Tajo’s home and took him in for interrogation before eventually handing him over to security forces in Damascus. There was no further information on this case at year’s end.

On November 11, according to human rights observers, the governor of Hassakeh and the chairman of the city council approved the invitation of the Narine Kurdish Folkloric troupe to participate in the closing ceremony of Al-Khabour Festival for Young Writers. On the eve of the performance, however, the troupe was informed they were prohibited from presenting their show. The Baath Party branch in Hassakeh allegedly issued the ban.

On March 13, security forces reportedly arrested four Kurdish brothers, Joma’a, Ahmad, Muhammad, and Bahman Hamdo, three of whom worked as tailors producing traditional Kurdish clothing. At year’s end their whereabouts were unknown.

Other Societal Abuses and Discrimination

There were no reports of violence or discrimination against persons with HIV/AIDS. However, there was a belief among human rights activists that the extent of the problem was widely underreported.

The law criminalizes homosexuality.

Section 6 Worker Rights

a. The Right of Association

While the constitution provides for the right of association and to form unions, in practice workers were not free to establish unions independent of the government. Foreign workers, according to a 2008 International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) survey, may join the union representing their profession but may not stand for election to union offices. The ITUC report also stated that while the law does not prohibit labor strikes, they are severely restricted by threat of punishment and fines. All unions belonged to the General Federation of Trade Unions (GFTU), which was dominated by Ba’ath Party members and was part of the government’s bureaucratic structure. The GFTU advised the government on legislation, organized workers, and formulated rules for various member unions, effectively controlling nearly all aspects of union activity. Union elections were generally free of direct, overt GFTU interference; however, successful campaigns usually required membership in the Ba’ath Party. The GFTU president was a senior member of the Ba’ath Party, and he and his deputy could attend cabinet meetings on economic affairs. According to the government-published 2007 Statistical Abstract, there were 204 trade unions filling the ranks of the GFTU with a collective membership of 808,419 workers. This represents less than one third of the total labor force. Additionally, in 2007 there were 5,622 agricultural cooperatives with 994,820 members; 101 passenger transport cooperatives with 38,269 members; and 24 transport services cooperatives with 9,561 members.

By the end of the year, there were no reports that any individual union, the GFTU, or any cooperatives had exercised their right to collective bargaining. Additionally, there were no reports of strikes at the end of the year.

The law does not prohibit strikes; however, previous government crackdowns, including fines and prison sentences, deterred workers from striking. Forced labor was imposed on individuals who caused “prejudice to the general production plan.”

On February 26, security authorities in Qamishli reportedly arrested Kurdish unionist Jan Ahmad Rasool for critical comments made during a speech at a February 24 union meeting. Rasool was elected as an “independent” to a leadership role in the local Foodstuff and Tourism Union in 2007.

b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively

The law provides for the right to bargain collectively; however, this right does not exist in practice as the unions were effectively led by Ba’ath Party officials closely tied to the government. Government representatives were part of the bargaining process in the public sector. Public sector unions did not normally bargain collectively on wage issues, but union representatives participated with representatives of employers from the government-affiliated Chambers of Industry and Commerce and the supervising ministry in establishing minimum wages, hours, and conditions of employment in the private sector. Workers served on the boards of directors of public enterprises, and union representatives were included on the boards.

The law provides for collective bargaining in the private sector, although past repression by the government dissuaded most workers from exercising this right.

Unions have the right to litigate disputes over work contracts and other workers’ interests with employers and are able to ask for binding arbitration. In practice labor and management representatives settled most disputes without resort to legal remedies or arbitration. Management has the right to request arbitration, but that right seldom was exercised. Arbitration authority is vested in the Ministry of Justice’s Administrative Petition Court. In practice this court did little more than certify agreements and had almost no role in arbitrating disputes, since such disputes did not occur with any regularity.

There were no reports of antiunion discrimination. Since the unions were part of the government’s bureaucratic structure, the law protects union members from such discrimination.

There were no unions in the seven free trade zones (FTZs). Firms in the zones were exempt from the laws and regulations governing hiring and firing, although they were required to observe some provisions on health, safety, hours, and sick and annual leave. Ninety percent of the workers in the FTZs were citizens.

c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor

The law does not prohibit all forms of forced or compulsory labor and the problem existed. The governments of Sri Lanka and the Philippines banned their citizens from taking employment as domestic workers in the country because of abuses and the lack of a mechanism to protect the rights of their citizens.

d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment

The labor law provides for the protection of children from exploitation in the workplace, and independent information and audits regarding government enforcement were not available.

The private-sector minimum age for employment is 15 years for most types of nonagricultural labor and 18 years for heavy work. Working hours for youths of legal age are set at six hours per day. According to the law, youths are not allowed to work during night shifts, weekends, or on official holidays. In all cases parental permission is required for children under the age of 16 to work. The majority of children under age 16 who worked did so for their parents in the agricultural sector without remuneration. While the law prohibits children from working at night, it applies only to children who work for a salary. Those who work in family businesses and who are technically not paid a salary--a common occurrence--do not fall under the law. Children under age 15 are prohibited by law from working in mines, at petroleum sites, or in other dangerous areas. Children are not allowed to lift, carry, or drag heavy objects.

According to a February 2007 report by the Arab Council for Childhood and Development, the total number of citizen children who performed “tough jobs in unhealthy working conditions” was more than 600,000. Also, there was evidence that children engaged in some of the worst forms of child labor during the year, including forced labor and prostitution. The government, however, did little to address the problem. In 2006 the minister of social affairs and labor stated that most children who worked did so seasonally and for limited amounts of time.

The Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs monitored employment conditions for persons under the age of 18; however, there were too few inspectors to ensure compliance with the laws. The Labor Inspection Department performed unannounced spot checks of employers on a daily basis to enforce the law, but the scope of these checks was unknown.

e. Acceptable Conditions of Work

The minimum wage was 6,110 pounds ($131.40) per month, plus benefits, including compensation for meals, uniforms, and transportation. The minimum wage did not provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family; however, private-sector companies usually paid much higher wages than the minimum. Also, many workers in both the public- and private-sectors took additional jobs or were supported by their extended families.

The labor and social affairs minister was responsible for enforcing minimum wage.

The public sector work week was 35 hours; the private sector’s was 48 hours. Workers were guaranteed one 30-minute lunch break per day at minimum, although anecdotal evidence suggested that many workers enjoyed longer lunch breaks and short, informal breaks during the day. Premium pay exists for overtime worked, and a prohibition on excessive compulsory overtime exists in several sectors.

Officials from the Ministries of Health and Labor were designated to inspect work sites for compliance with health and safety standards; however, such inspections were sporadic, apart from those conducted in hotels and other facilities that catered to foreigners. The enforcement of labor laws in rural areas was more lax than in urban areas, where there were a larger number of inspectors. Workers may lodge complaints about health and safety conditions with special committees established to adjudicate such cases. Workers have the right to remove themselves from hazardous conditions without risking loss of employment. There is no legal framework governing relations between domestic workers and their employers, and the government did not educate employers or workers on the rights of domestic workers. The law provides protection for foreign workers who reside legally in the country but not for the unknown number of illegal workers in the country.

The Supreme State Security Court (SSSC), an exceptional court with almost no procedural guarantees, sentenced 75 people in 2008, mostly Islamists, to long prison terms. Syrian Kurds, the country’s largest ethnic minority, continue to protest their treatment as second-class citizens. Months after military police shot and killed rioting inmates at Sednaya military prison, no information has been disclosed about casualties.

Political Activists on Trial

Starting in December 2007, the Syrian security services detained over 40 political activists who attended a meeting of the National Council of the Damascus Declaration, comprising a number of opposition groups. While most were released within 48 hours, the authorities referred 12, including former member of parliament Riad Seif, to the Damascus Criminal Court, which sentenced them on October 29, 2008, to 30 months in prison on charges of “weakening national sentiment,” and “spreading false news affecting the country’s morale.” On May 7, 2008, security services detained writer and political analyst Habib Saleh for articles critical of the government and in defense of opposition figure Riad al-Turk. He is awaiting trial on multiple charges, including “weakening national sentiment.”

The SSSC sentenced over 75 people in 2008 on various grounds, including membership in the banned Muslim Brotherhood, Kurdish activism, membership in unauthorized political groups, and independent criticism of the government.

On April 23 the Military Court in Damascus sentenced Kamal al-Labwani, a physician and founder of the Democratic Liberal Gathering, to a three-year prison term for reportedly “insulting the authorities” while in prison, in addition to the 12-year term he received in 2007 for having advocated peaceful reform while visiting the United States and Europe.

In a welcome move, on August 7 authorities released economics professor Dr. ^`Arif Dalila, a proponent of political liberalization who was serving a 10-year sentence for “attempting to change the constitution by illegal means.”

Freedom of Expression

Syrian authorities continue to restrict freedom of expression, and an independent press remains nonexistent. The government has extended to online outlets restrictions it applies to other media, detaining journalists for posting information online. Syrian internet censorship extends to popular websites such as Google’s blogging engine, Blogspot, as well as Facebook and YouTube.

On April 7 the SSSC sentenced writer and poet Firas Sa<sup>`</sup>ad to four years in jail for “weakening national sentiment” after he published articles on the website www.ahewar.org in which he defended a call for improved relations between Lebanon and Syria and criticized the Syrian army’s role in the July 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. On May 11 the SSSC sentenced to three years in prison blogger Tarek Biasi, 23, whom the government detained in July 2007 for “insulting security services” and “weakening national sentiment.” At this writing, Karim `Arbaji, 29, moderator of popular online youth forum www.akhawia.net, is on trial for “spreading false information that may weaken national sentiment.”

Arbitrary Detention, Torture, and “Disappearances”

Syria’s multiple security services continue to detain people without arrest warrants and frequently refuse to disclose their whereabouts for weeks and sometimes months, in effect forcibly disappearing them. On August 15 Syrian security services detained Mash^`al al-Temmo, spokesperson for the Kurdish Future Current in Syria, an unauthorized political party, while he was driving alone at night, and held him incommunicado for 11 days. The security services are also believed to hold a small

number of detainees who were arrested in Pakistan in recent years and held for a time in secret CIA custody.

Human Rights Watch received numerous reports of ill-treatment and torture by security agencies. In January, eight of the 12 detainees of the National Council of the Damascus Declaration reported that State Security officers beat them during interrogation, including prominent writer ^`Ali al-Abdullah who suffered ear injuries. A Kurdish activist showed Human Rights Watch photos of bruises he said Political Security officers inflicted on him in July 2008 during interrogation. At least 11 of the 75 people sentenced in 2008 by the SSSC had told the court that security agencies tortured them.

On July 5 military police opened fire on rioting inmates in Sednaya prison. A number of inmates and prison guards were reportedly killed, but authorities have released no information on the number or names of those killed and wounded.

As in previous years, the government failed to acknowledge security force involvement in the “disappearances” of an estimated 17,000 persons, mostly Muslim Brotherhood members and other Syrian activists detained by the government in the late 1970s and early 1980s as well as hundreds of Lebanese and Palestinians detained in Syria or abducted from Lebanon. The vast majority remains unaccounted for and many are believed to have been killed.

Human Rights Defenders

Human rights activists continue to be targets of government harassment and arrest. On April 22 a military court sentenced Ahmad al-Hajji al-Khalaf, a board member of the Arab Organization for Human Rights in Syria, to five days in jail for criticizing appointments at the Ministry of Education. Similarly, on June 23 a military court sentenced Mazen Darwish, president of the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression, to five days in jail for reporting on violent clashes in the Damascus suburb of `Adra. On June 29 a military court sentenced Muhammad Badi` Dek al-Bab, a member of the National Organization for Human Rights, to six months in jail for articles in which he criticized the government for detaining intellectuals.

To read the complete Annual report 2007-2008 by pdf file please click here

اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان

التقريرالسنوي السابع

لحالة حقوق الإنسان في سورية

ويشمل الفترة من حزيران/ يونيو٢٠٠٦

ولغاية كانون الأول/ ديسمبر٢٠٠٧

كانون الثاني/ يناير ٢٠٠۸

المحتويات

۱. بين يدي التقرير. 2

٢. نشطاء المجتمع المدني وحقوق الإنسان. 4

٣. ملف القانون 49. 10

أولاً: أحكام محكمة أمن الدولة. 10

ثانياً: المفقودون. 13

ثالثاً: المهجرون. 13

4. ملف الإسلاميين. 16

5. إجراءات انتقامية. 22

6. محنة العائدين والزائرين. 25

7. ملف الكرد 27

8. ملف الاعتقال العشوائي. 30

9. التعذيب وسوء المعاملة. 33

10. الموت تحت التعذيب.. 35

11. الموت نتيجة إطلاق النار. 36

12.  المعتقلون العرب.. 37

14. اعتصامات وتظاهرات.. 42

15- تقييد الحريات الإعلامية. 44

16. مأساة المهجرين السوريين في العراق.. 48

17. ملف الانتخابات.. 51

اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان في سطور. 54

۱. بين يدي التقرير

يغطي التقرير السابع لحالة حقوق الإنسان في سورية الفترة الممتدة من أول الشهر السادس لعام 2006 وحتى نهاية العام 2007، وكان من المقرر أن يصدر التقرير في (27/6/2007) لكن اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان قررت أن يصدر تقريرها السنوي في شهر كانون الثاني (يناير) من كل عام.

تسارعت وتيرة التردي في حالة حقوق الإنسان في سورية على كل الصًعُد بالاعتقال الجماعي لنشطاء المجتمع المدني وحقوق الإنسان مع صدور إعلان دمشق- بيروت وتفاعلاته ابتداء من أيار (مايو) 2006 ثم توسعت الاعتقالات والإجراءات الانتقامية والعقابية في كل الاتجاهات. واتسع التردي عندما شنت السلطات حملة ثانية طالت أربعين ناشطاً من أعضاء المجلس الوطني لإعلان دمشق في التاسع والعاشر من شهر كانون الأول (ديسمبر 2007) إثر عقدهم مؤتمراً انتخبوا خلاله قيادة جديدة.

استهدف الكرد لكن بوتيرة أخف من الفترات السابقة وأطلق سراح عشرات منهم اعتقلوا على خلفية التضامن مع المغدور الشيخ محمد معشوق الخزنوي، واعتقل نشطاء سياسيون وتم الإفراج عنهم بعد مدد متفاوتة بدون صدور أحكام، لكن ذلك لم يمنع السلطات من التصدي لهم بالرصاص الحي مؤخراً عندما نزلوا إلى الشارع في القامشلي وعين العرب مما أوقع إصابات قاتلة في صفوفهم.

وصعدت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا الاستثنائية من أحكامها الجائرة كماً وكيفاً ضد من له صلة بجماعة الإخوان المسلمين وأكدت في كل أحكامها على القانون 49 الذي يحكم عليهم بالإعدام، وخصت المعتقلين على خلفية انتمائهم للتيارات الإسلامية بأحكام جائرة في منتهى القسوة.

استمرت الاعتقالات العشوائية والتعسفية لأتفه الأسباب، واستمرت السلطات السورية باستخدام التعذيب بشكل روتيني ممنهج على أوسع نطاق، بينما تتضخم قوائم الممنوعين من السفر والمفصولين من الوظائف والمحرومين من الحقوق المدنية والمجردين من الجنسية.

السلطات السورية ما تزال تصر على موقفها من تجاهل قضايا الأعداد الهائلة للمفقودين في معتقلاتها والمهجرين بسبب قمعها والمعتقلين العرب في سجونها، فهي لم تعبأ بمعاناة المهجرين السوريين في العراق الذين عاشوا أحلك أيامهم فحسب بل فاقمت من معاناتهم باعتقال من يعود منهم وبالتأليب عليهم، بينما لم تتعامل بجدية مع كل مبادرة لمعرفة مصير المعتقلين والمفقودين من الدول المجاورة لديها.

فعّلت السلطات السورية عقوبة الموت وفتحت النار على المعتصمين والمتظاهرين في الشوارع، وقضى العديد من المواطنين تحت التعذيب وكممت الأفواه ومنعت حرية التعبير عن الرأي ولا تزال تحتكر وسائل الإعلام وتحجب مواقع الانترنت بصورة متزايدة.

٢. نشطاء المجتمع المدني وحقوق الإنسان

نال نشطاء المجتمع المدني وحقوق الإنسان في الفترة التي يغطيها هذا التقرير قسطاً كبيراً من الاضطهاد والمضايقات والتنكيل والإجراءات القمعية والانتقامية، فلقد اعتقل عدد منهم وصدرت بحقهم أحكام جائرة بالسجن، ومنع آخرون منهم من السفر وأعيدوا من المطار أو الحدود البرية، وطرد فريق آخر من وظائفهم وحرموا من أعمالهم في وزارات الدولة وإدارتها.

بلغت الحملة ضد نشطاء المجتمع المدني ذروتها في أيار (مايو) 2006 ، عندما أقدمت أجهزة المخابرات على اعتقال العشرات منهم إثر التوقيع على إعلان دمشق -بيروت. فاعتقل الكاتب الإصلاحي والناشط ميشيل كيلو (67 سنة) وحكمت عليه محكمة الجنايات بدمشق في جلستها بتاريخ (13/5/2007) بالسجن (3 سنوات) بتهمة إضعاف الشعور القومي وإثارة النعرات الطائفية والمذهبية، وتبين أنه حوكم على المقالات الإصلاحية التي كان ينشرها. وحكمت نفس المحكمة على الناشط محمود عيسى الذي اعتقل في منتصف أيار (مايو) 2006 بنفس المدة بتهمة إضعاف الشعور القومي، بينما حكمت على الناشطين سليمان الشمر وخليل حسين بالسجن (10 سنوات) بتهم إضعاف الشعور القومي وإيقاظ النعرات الطائفية والمذهبية وتعريض سورية لأعمال عدائية. وحكمت في (25/4/2007 ) حكماً قاسياً على المحامي أنور البني الناشط في مجال الدفاع عن حقوق الإنساني بالسجن (5 سنوات) بتهمة نشر أخبار كاذبة من شأنها توهين نفسية الأمة. وكان قد اعتقل في منتصف أيار (مايو) 2006 على خلفية التوقيع على بيان دمشق-بيروت، لكنه حوكم على تصريحه لإحدى الصحف العربية حول حادثة وفاة المعتقل “محمد شاهر حيصة” في سجن صيدنايا العسكري نتيجة التعذيب وبسبب اعتزام مركزه التعاون مع الاتحاد الأوروبي لإقامة دورات تأهيلية في حقوق الإنسان. واعتقل العديد على خلفية التوقيع على إعلان دمشق-بيروت ثم أطلق سراحهم تباعاً بعد أكثر من شهر، منهم  صفوان طيفور وخالد خليفة وكمال شيخو ومحمود مرعي ونضال درويش وغالب عامر وعباس عباس ومحمد محفوظ.

وفي إضافة روتينية معتادة من النظام السوري أصدر رئيس مجلس الوزراء في (16/6/2006) القرار (2746) القاضي بطرد الذين وقعوا على  إعلان دمشق-بيروت من وظائفهم الحكومية: وهم سبعة من وزارة التربية: سهيل حمد ابو فخر، عصام محمود خداج، فؤاد أمين البنّي، هيثم نسيب صعب، نبيل حسن ابو صعب، مروان سليم حمزة، كمال فضل الله الدبس، وواحد من كل من وزارات التعليم العالي منير علي شحود، والصحة نقولا غنوم، والنفط سليمان شمر، والمال كمال يوسف البلعوس، والكهرباء غالب زيد طربيه، والزراعة عصام هاني ابو سعيد، واثنان من كل من وزارتي الادارة المحلية فضل الله محمد حجاز ولينا راغب وفائي، والاعلام سلمى كركوتلي وناظر جاد الله نصر. كما أصدر رئيس مجلس الوزراء قراراً بتاريخ (13/5/2007) بطرد السيدة راغدة رفقي عيسى من عملها في المؤسسة العامة للمواصلات الطرقية كإجراء انتقامي لمجرد كونها زوجة المحامي أنور البني ولمعاقبة كل أفراد الأسرة .

وأصدرت محكمة الجنايات بدمشق في (10/5/2007) حكماً في منتهى القسوة على الناشط الليبرالي محمد كمال اللبواني بالسجن المؤبد الذي خفف إلى (12 سنة) في السجن بتهمة الاتصال بدولة أجنبية وتحريضها على العدوان على سورية، وقد ألقي القبض على الدكتور كمال اللبواني بتاريخ (7/11/2005) عند عودته من رحلة قادته إلى أوروبا وأمريكا.

وقضت المحكمة العسكرية بحمص في (15/8/2006) بالسجن (3 سنوات) على الناشط  المدني حبيب صالح الذي اعتقل للمرة الثانية بتاريخ (5/5/2005) بتهمة نشر أخبار كاذبة ومبالغ فيها، فقد كان حبيب صالح من معتقلي ربيع دمشق وقد أتم عقوبة سابقة بالسجن (3 سنوات) من (12/9/2001) حتى (9/9/2004).

وحكمت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا بدمشق في (19/11/2006) على الناشط في حقوق الإنسان المهندس نزار الرستناوي بالسجن (4 سنوات) بتهمة نشر أخبار كاذبة وشتم وتحقير رئيس الجمهورية، وقد اختطفته المخابرات العسكرية بتاريخ (18/4/2005) وهو في طريق عودته إلى منزله في محافظة حماة.

وأصدرت محكمة أمن الدولة الاستثنائية بدمشق في (17/6/2007) أحكاماً  قاسية على كل من طارق الغوراني وماهر إسبربالسجن (7 سنوات) بتهمتي تعريض الدولة لأعمال عدائية والنيل من هيبتها، بينما أصدرت أحكاماً بالسجن (5 سنوات) على كل من عمر عبد الله وحسام ملحم وأيهم صقر وعلام فخور ودياب سرية بتهمة تعريض سورية لأعمال عدائية. وكان الشبان السبعة اعتقلوا قبل الحكم عليهم بعام على خلفية نشاط شبابي ديمقراطي على شبكة الانترنت يتبادلون عبره الأخبار والأفكار.

واعتقل في (1/5/2006) الناشط في حزب العمل الشيوعي فاتح جاموس لدى عودته من رحلة إلى بعض الدول الأوروبية، ولقد قرر قاضي الجزاء إخلاء سبيله بتاريخ (12/10/2006) على أن تستمر محاكمته طليقاً بتهمة النيل من هيبة الدولة في الخارج، ولا تزال جلسات المحكمة مستمرة.

واعتقل الناشط محمد غانم في (31/3/2006) وأصدرت محكمة عسكرية في (6/6/2006) حكماً عليه بالسجن لمدة عام ثم خفف إلى (6 أشهر) بتهم تحقير رئيس الجمهورية والحط من هيبة الدولة وإثارة النعرات المذهبية.

واعتقل الناشط بسام بدرة (52 سنة) من طرطوس في (4/6/2006) ثم أخلي سبيله في (25/9/2006) على أن تستمر محاكمته طليقاً أمام المحكمة العسكرية بتهمة تحقير رئيس الجمهورية.

واعتقل الناشط والمعتقل السابق علي الشهابي (51 سنة) بتاريخ  (10/8/2006) بتهم المشاركة في تأسيس جمعية سرية مناهضة لأهداف الثورة ولمشاركته في التوقيع على إعلان دمشق-بيروت ثم أفرج عنه بتاريخ (9/1/2007) بعدما شمله قرار بالعفو.

وأعيد اعتقال الكاتب والطبيب محمود صارم (69سنة) في (7/2/2007) ، وكان قد أخلي سبيله في (19/9/2006) بعد اعتقال دام سنة ونصف،  ثم أخلي سبيله بعد أربعين يوماً ليحاكم وهو طليق بتهمة تحقير موظف رسمي.

واعتقل الناشط أحمد حاجي درويش ثم أخلي سبيله في (20/9/2006) لشموله بالعفو.

وحكم على حسن عبد العظيم الناطق باسم التجمع الوطني الديمقراطي المعارض في (29/11/2006)بالسجن لمدة (شهر واحد) لحيازته على نشرة الموقف الديمقراطي الناطقة باسم حزب الاتحاد الاشتراكي الديمقراطي الذي يرأسه.

واعتقل الناشط والمعتقل السابق والقيادي في حزب الشعب الديمقراطي فائق علي أسعد (المير) من اللاذقية بتاريخ (13/12/2006) على خلفية تقديم العزاء باغتيال جورج حاوي في لبنان، وقد أصدرت محكمة الجنايات بدمشق عليه حكماً بالسجن ثلاث سنوات ثم خففتها إلى سنة ونصف.

واعتقل الناشط الاجتماعي والثقافي المستقل جمال أبا زيد بتاريخ (26/11/2006) من مدينة درعا لأسباب غير معلومة.

واعتقل الناشط عادل توفيق محفوظ من طرطوس بتاريخ (14/5/2007) وحكمت عليه المحكمة الجزائية بالسجن لمدة (6 أشهر) في (14/5/2007) بتهمة تعكير صفو الأمة.

وألقي القبض على الناشطين من مصياف بمحافظة حماة علي الشيخ حيدر وحسن باكير في أواخر حزيران(يونيو) 2006 وعلى فيدان قمبر (24 سنة)  الناشطة في الاتحاد الديمقراطي السوري في (3/7/2006)

واعتقل الناشط جهاد مسوتي في (1/11/2007) لمدة أربعة أيام من مطار دمشق وهو في طريق مغادرته لحضور ورشة عمل حول حقوق الإنسان في القاهرة.

واعتقلت الناشطة السياسية المقربة من حزب الاتحاد الديمقراطي الكردي عائشة أفندي (45 سنة) من منزلها بدمشق في (27/11/2007) ، وهي من عين العرب بمحافظة حلب.

وشنت السلطات الأمنية حملة واسعة طالت 40 عضواً من أعضاء المجلس الوطني لإعلان دمشق إثر انعقاد المجلس وانتخاب أمانة عامة جديدة، وأسماء الذين اعتقلوا بتاريخ التاسع والعاشر من شهر كانون الأول (ديسمبر 2007): سمير النشار، وغازي قدور، ورديف مصطفى، وبيير رستم، وأسامة عاشور، وموفق نيربية، ونجاتي طيارة، وإسماعيل عمر، ونصر سعيد، وكامل عباس، وسهيل الدخيل، وأحمد طعمة، وفواز الهامس، وفوزي حمادة، وإسماعيل الحامض، وخلف الجربوع، ومخلص شقرا، وجبر الشوفي، وغالب عامر، ومحمد جبر المسالمة، وعلي الجهماني ويوسف صياصنة، وعبد القهار سراي، وزرادشت محمد، وبشير السعدي، وفؤاد إيليا، وفواز تللو، وزياد الفيل، وخلف الزرزور، وفيصل غزاوي، وعبد الكريم الضحاك، ومصطفى أوسو، وأشرف سينو، وحسن زينو، وغسان نجار، وسمير النشار، وأسامة عاشور وقد أطلق عنهم لاحقاً بعد التحقيق باستثناء سبعة تم التحفظ عليهم وهم: أحمد طعمة (42 سنة) من دير الزور، وجبر الشوفي (60 سنة) من السويداء، وأكرم البني (51 سنة) من حماة، وعلي العبد الله (57 سنة) من دير الزور، وفداء الحوراني (51 سنة) من حماة، ووليد البني (43 سنة) من ريف دمشق، وياسر العيتي (39 سنة) من دمشق.

٣. ملف القانون 49

أولاً: أحكام محكمة أمن الدولة

صعدت السلطات السورية حملتها ضد جماعة الإخوان المسلمين على نحو استفزازي، واستمرت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا بدمشق في إصدار أحكام الإعدام على جميع المعتقلين الذين أخضعوا للمحاكمة بتهمة الانتساب إليها بموجب القانون رقم 49 لعام 1980 والذي تنص المادة الأولى منه على الحكم بالإعدام على كل منتسب لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين، وتطبق هذه المادة على الإخوان وأنصارهم وأبنائهم ومن يتصل بهم، لكن هذه الأحكام بعد تثبيتها وإبرازها والتأكيد عليها لا تنفذ حالياً كما كان يحصل في الثمانينيات والتسعينيات من القرن الماضي بل تخفض إلى السجن لمدة 12 عاماً مع الأشغال الشاقة والتجريد من الحقوق المدنية والحجر والغرامة.  ومن الجدير بالذكر أن غالبية الذين صدرت بحقهم هذه الأحكام المجحفة هم أبناء أو أقارب لأعضاء من جماعة الإخوان المسلمين الذين يعيشون في المنفى الاضطراري منذ ثمانينات القرن الماضي ، ولقد عاد هؤلاء من منفاهم القسري إثر مراجعات للسفارات السورية أو وعود بالعفو تلقوها عبر أقارب لهم راجعوا الجهات الأمنية في سورية بالنيابة عنهم، لكن ما إن وصلوا إلى البلاد حتى ألقى القبض عليهم وأخضعوا للتعذيب وسوء المعاملة وحكم عليهم طبقاً لقانون الموت الآنف الذكر. ومما يجدر التنويه له أن المحكمة لم تكن تجهر بالأحكام على هذا النحو الواضح، بل إن وزير الإعلام الأسبق عدنان عمران زعم في أكثر من مقابلة أن القانون 49 مجمد بينما زعم مسؤولون آخرون في تصريحاتهم الصحفية أنه ملغى. لكن إعادة تفعيله على هذا النحو المستفز يوحي بتجديد الحملة الاستئصالية ضد الإخوان المسلمين.

وفي هذا السياق حكمت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا الاستثنائية طبقاً للمادة الأولى من القانون 49 لعام 1980 بالإعدام ثم خففت الأحكام إلى السجن لمدة 12 سنة مع الأشغال الشاقة والتجريد من الحقوق المدنية والحجر والتغريم على عشرات المعتقلين نذكر منهم الشاب محمد أسامة سايس (25/6/2006) من حلب بعد أن رحلته السلطات البريطانية التي رفضت طلب لجوئه إليها باعتبار أن والده -- وليس هو -- عضو في جماعة الإخوان المسلمين، و عبد الرحمن الموسى (27/6/2006) من حماة، وكان قد رحل قسرياً من الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية إلى سورية في 19/1/2005 بسبب مخالفته لقوانين الهجرة، واعتقل فور وصوله إلى مطار دمشق الدولي وأخضع للتعذيب والمعاملة المهينة، وأحمد بن مصطفى إبراهيم السيد من حلب في (8/10/2006)، وعلى ثلاثة مواطنين من مدينة جسر الشغور وهم: الشاب يوسف عمر حسين ومحمد ثابت حللي وفؤاد علي الشغري ، وكان الثلاثة غادروا البلاد مع أسرهم في أوائل الثمانينيات عندما كانوا أطفالاً وعادوا في العام (2005) من منفاهم الاضطراري في العراق بعد تدهور الأحوال الأمنية بشكل مخيف واستهداف السوريين المقيمين فيه، وحكم بتاريخ (11/2/2007 ) على المعتقل محمد حيدر زمار والذي يحمل الجنسية الألمانية. وكان محمد حيدر زمار قد اختطف من المغرب عام 2002 بمساعدة المخابرات الأمريكية والألمانية بتهم تتعلق بالإرهاب واختفى زهاء أربع سنوات في فرع فلسطين للتحقيق العسكري قبل أن ينقل في أواخر عام 2006 إلى سجن صيدنايا ويقدم للمحاكمة أمام محكمة أمن الدولة بعدما ثبت أن تهم الإرهاب التي ألصقت به غير صحيحة.  وحكم في التاريخ نفسه على محمود محمد سماق (62 سنة) من أريحا بمحافظة إدلب وهو من مهجري الثمانينيات وكان يقيم ويعمل في اليمن منذ عام 1981، وقد عاد إلى سورية بناء على معلومات تلقاها بقبول تسوية وضعه ، لكن أجهزة الاستخبارات السورية ألقت القبض عليه فور وصوله إلى سورية بتاريخ 12/4/2005 وأخضعته للتعذيب الشديد، وبتاريخ  (20/5/2007) حكمت على فؤاد الشغري، وحكمت بتاريخ (3/6/2007)على الشاب عبد الجبار علاوي (35 سنة) من سراقب بمحافظة إدلب، وحكمت على الشاب ياسين نافع الصايل (30 سنة) من محافظة دير في (25/3/2007)، وبتاريخ (28/8/2007) على كل من الرجل المسن يوسف ناجية (72 سنة) العائد من السعودية وموفق قرمة (44 سنة)، وبتاريخ (30/9/2007) على أحمد العجيل، وبتاريخ (4/11/2007) على إبراهيم أحمد الخلف (60 سنة) المعتقل منذ (6/11/2005) وغيرهم…

وفي حالة التدخل بالانتساب لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين حكم على المعتقلين بالإعدام بأسلوب مستفز ثم خفضت العقوبة إلى 12 أو 8 أو 6 سنوات في السجن مع الأشغال الشاقة والتجريد من الحقوق المدنية والحجر والغرامة.

وفي هذا السياق فقد أصدرت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا الاستثنائية في (27/2/2007)حكماً بالإعدام بجناية الانتساب لجماعة الإخوان المسلمين ثم خفض إلى ثماني سنوات مع الأشغال الشاقة على ســامي بن علي درباك  (43 سنة) من بانياس ، والحكم بست سنوات على كل من خالد بن أحمد أحمد (46 سنة) من محافظة اللاذقية ، وطارق بن عبد الله حلاق (30 سنة) من بانياس ، وعلي بن محمد اسماعيل (35 سنة) من بانياس ، وعبد الناصر بن طه درباك (35 سنة) من بانياس ، وجمال بن جميل جلول (49 سنة) من بانياس .  وأصدرت المحكمة بتاريخ (4/11/2007  ) حكماُ مماثلاً على أسامة أحمد عابدين الذي يحمل الجنسية الألمانية . وحكم على محمود شحود بن عمر من سلقين في إدلب بالسجن لمدة 6 سنوات في (1/4/2007).

ثانياً: المفقودون

لم يجد جديد في هذا العام على ملف المفقودين في سورية الذين يناهز عددهم (17000) سبعة عشر ألف  مواطن سوري اعتقلوا في أواخر السبعينيات وأوائل الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي واختفت آثارهم، فالسلطات السورية تتجاهل وجود هذه المعضلة وتعاقب بشدة كل من يفتح هذا الملف أو يسأل عن أحد ذويه المفقودين في سجون النظام السوري على الرغم من الأحوال القانونية الملحة التي تحتاج إلى تسوية على الرغم من مرور ثلاثة عقود على اعتقالهم ومن ثم اختفائهم.

تلقت اللجنة السورية العديد من الاستفسارات من ذوي المفقودين وعندما كانت اللجنة توضح الظروف والملابسات التي أدت إلى اختفائهم في سجون تدمر والمزة وكفر سوسة والبالونة ومراكز التحقيق التابعة لأجهزة المخابرات والأمن المختلفة كانوا لا يقبلون سماع أن أقاربهم قد قضوا وقتلوا بدم بارد أو أعدموا بعد محاكمات ميدانية وصورية أو قضوا نتيجة الأمراض والأوبئة التي تفشت في سجون النظام السوري. وفي ظل القضايا المستجدة أغفلت المنظمات الإنسانية العالمية هذا الملف، بينما تعتبره بعض المنظمات المحلية شيئاً من الماضي لا علاقة لها بالحاضر ولا تشير إليه إلا بعبارات لا ترقى لتحمل مسؤولياتها الإنسانية.

ثالثاً: المهجرون

يعيش خارج سورية منذ أوائل الثمانينيات من القرن الماضي عشرات الآلاف من المواطنين السوريين بصورة قسرية، بسبب شمولهم وأولادهم وأحفادهم بالقانون 49 لعام 1980 الذي يحكم بالإعدام على منتسبي الإخوان المسلمين وأنصارهم، والسلطات السورية تطبق هذا القانون الجائر على كل من يتصل بهؤلاء الأشخاص. وينتشر المهجرون القسريون في الدول المجاورة والمنطقة العربية، ومع تطاول الزمن وتعقد الظروف فقد اضطر بعضهم للانتقال إلى أوروبا والأمريكيتين.

حاول بعض المواطنين في العام المنصرم تسوية وضعهم لدى السلطات السورية وفق شروط الأجهزة الأمنية، وعندما وصلوا سورية وجدوا أنفسهم رهن الاعتقال وحكم على كثير منهم بموجب القانون 49/1980 (أنظر فصل محنة العائدين والزائرين).

وإثر الحرب التي دارت في العراق اعتباراً من نيسان (إبريل) 2003 اضطر كثير من المواطنين للعودة إلى سورية فاعتقلوا وحوكموا بموجب القانون المذكور. أما الذين لا يزالون في الخارج، فيحاول النظام في سورية الضغط على الحكومات لطردهم، واستغلت السلطات الأمنية شراكتها مع الأمريكان فيما يسمى بالحرب على الإرهاب فقدمت لهم قوائم بأسماء المئات من المعارضين السوريين باعتبارهم إرهابيين، وطالب بعض سفراء النظام السوري خلال هذا العام بتسليم مهجرين سوريين يقيمون في بعض البلدان العربية والأجنبية، وحاولوا الضغط بهذا الاتجاه، وفي كثير من لقاءات المسؤولين السوريين مع حكومات البلدان المجاورة يفتح هذا الملف. بل إن المهجّرين يقعون ضحية التقارب والصفقات بين حين وآخر بين النظام السوري وبعض تلك البلدان. وبعضهم ممن  رُفض طلبهم في اللجوء إلى مكان آمن رحلوا إلى سورية ليجدوا أنفسهم رهن الاعتقال والمحاكمات البالغة القسوة أمام محكمة امن الدولة الاستثنائية.

في ظل هذه الضغوط المستمرة تتفاقم محنة المهجرين الذين يعيشون في الخارج حيث يفقد كثير منهم شخصيته القانونية ومرجعية مواطنيته لبلد معين وتأرجح إقامته من بلد لآخر بين راغب فيه وناقم عليه حسب تغير الظروف السياسية، وتتوزع أسر المهجرين بصورة غير اختيارية على بلدان مختلفة لا يتمكنون من اللقاء ببعضهم أو لم شمل أسرهم. ويعاني كثير منهم من البطالة وعدم إمكانية تعليم أبنائهم بالإضافة إلى المشاكل الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والنفسية. ولقد تعرضنا في فقرات هذا التقرير لبعض الأمثلة بالأسماء والأرقام. أما وزارة المغتربين السوريين فعوضاً من إيلاء هذا الملف أولوية في الحل والتسوية، يلاحظ أن سلوك الوزيرة ينحصر في إقامة علاقات مع الأغنياء وأصحاب الأعمال والموالين للنظام، بينما يهمل هؤلاء وأمثالهم ويصبحون هدفاً لهجومها كما حصل أكثر من مرة خلال العام الفائت.

ولقد سجلت اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان في العطلة الصيفية المنصرمة لعام 2007 بعض صور المعاناة التي لاقتها أسر المهجرين الذين يستطيع بعضهم زيارة سورية، إذ يتعرضون للتوقيف على الحدود البرية وفي المطارات ويطلب منهم مراجعة دوائر المخابرات والأمن في مناطقهم وفي العاصمة ويطلب من الزوجة والأولاد إعطاء معلومات دقيقة عن الزوج أو الأب وآخر مستجدات سيرته وظروفه المعيشية ومحيطه الاجتماعي، ويلقون التهديدات والشتائم والمنع من السفر والعودة وأحياناً الحجز والاعتقال وسوء المعاملة والتعذيب (راجع تقرير : معاناة أسر المهجرين القسريين خلال العطلة الصيفية للعام 2007 ).

4. ملف الإسلاميين

استهدفت سلطات المخابرات والأمن السورية المختلفة الإسلاميين من أصحاب التوجهات السلفية أو حزب التحرير وسواهم بشكل غير مسبوق منذ تولي بشار الأسد رئاسة سورية. بينما حظي الشيعة الوافدون إلى البلاد بتسهيلات كبيرة في بناء المراكز والحسينيات والقيام بالأنشطة المختلفة. ولقد دأبت هذه السلطات وتوابعها إطلاق أسماء ونعوت لتشويه صورة الإسلاميين مثل “متشددين وإرهابيين وتكفيريين ووهابيين ومارقين” وحكم على معظمهم بموجب المادة (306) من قانون العقوبات بتهمة الانتساب إلى جمعية سرية تسعى لتغيير كيان الدولة الاقتصادي والاجتماعي. وحكم على آخرين بأحكام مجحفة بتهمة الانتساب إلى تيارات سلفية أو بسبب توجهاتهم الإسلامية أو بدعوى إثارة النعرات الطائفية والمذهبية وتوهين نفسية الأمة وإضعاف الشعور القومي وتعكير صفو الأمة.

ولقد راقبت اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان عن كثب حملة احتضان السلطات الأمنية والمخابراتية السورية لبعض الأفراد الذين دأبوا على  استنفار عواطف المواطنين الدينية تحت شعارات الجهاد ومقاومة الاحتلال، وساعدتهم معنوياً بتوفير المنابر الدينية في بعض المساجد والمناطق وغض الطرف عن أنشطتهم التي لا تسمح عادة بجزء يسير منها للآخرين ووفرت لهم الإمكانات المادية لنقل المتطوعين إلى دول مجاورة بوسائل وأشكال مختلفة، ولقد قضى بعض الذين ذهبوا، وأما الذين رجعوا فبادرت السلطات المخابراتية إلى اعتقالهم وتقديمهم للمحاكمة أمام محكمة أمن الدولة التي أصدرت بحقهم أحكاماً قاسية. وأما الفريق الآخر الذي لم يذهب فقد اعتقل كثير من أفراده وصدرت بحقهم أحكام جائرة في السجن بتهم الانتماء إلى تيارات متشددة أو مارقة.

ولقد تراوحت الأحكام التي صدرت بحق الإسلاميين بين 15 سنة وسنة واحدة، وحكم على عدد كبير منهم بالسجن لبضعة أعوام مع الأشغال الشاقة والتجريد من الحقوق المدنية والحجر والتغريم، ومما ينوه إليه أن محكمة أمن الدولة العليا تخصصت بصورة خاصة باصدار الأحكام على الإسلاميين باعتبار أن الحكم عليهم يتعلق مباشرة بحالة الطوارئ المفروضة على البلاد، بينما يحال المعتقلون العلمانيون ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان على الأغلب إلى محاكم ذات صفة مدنية ظاهراً -- وإن كانت غير مستقلة عن سلطة المخابرات- مثل محكمة الجزاء ومحكمة الجنايات وسواهما. ويمكن تعليل ذلك أن المعارضة الخارجية للنظام تجاه المعتقلين على خلفية دينية لا تكاد تذكر، بينما تحشد الدول ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان العالمية جهوداً كبيرة للدفاع عن العناصر الليبرالية ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان وتعتبرهم سجناء ضمير، ولا تتوقف عن طرح قضاياهم في كل حين وفي كل محفل ومناسبة.

وفي هذا السياق حكمت محكمة أمن الدولة الاستثنائية في (7/5/2006) على عشرة معتقلين على خلفية إسلامية بفترات متفاوته: محمود حجي عرب (8 سنوات)، محمود الشافعي (7 سنوات)، أسامة الشافعي (3 سنوات)، مصعب حجي حسين (9 سنوات)، اسماعيل مصطفى (9 سنوات)، عبد القادر مراد (7 سنوات)، محمد توفيق مراد (4 سنوات)، هايدل بدرو (3 سنوات)، محمد خليل (8 سنوات)، محمد شريف داوود(8 سنوات).   وحكمت في (19/6/2006) بالسجن (5 سنوات) على عمار نعسان بتهمة الانتماء إلى تيار سلفي. وفي (1/10/2006) حكمت على أنس العوف بالسجن لمدة أربع سنوات بسبب توجهاته الدينية. وصدر في (5/11/2006) أحكام بحق ما أطلق عليها مجموعة حماة، فحكم على عبد الصمد الجاجة بالسجن ست سنوات، وبالسجن خمس سنوات على كل من محمد عبد الوهاب العمادي وأحمد حجازي وعبد الحميد طباع، وبالسجن ثلاث سنوات على كل من فراس حمود وأحمد الموصلي وحذيفة قزرباش وبسام الأصفر وإياد نيربية ومحمد حمامة. وحكمت على حامد خضر المعتقل منذ (25/7/2004) ومحمد حسن حمادة المعتقل منذ (25/6/2004) بالسجن خمس سنوات بتهمة الانتماء إلى جمعية سرية تهدف إلى تغيير كيان الدولة الاقتصادي والاجتماعي.  وحكمت بتاريخ (14/11/2006) على: أحمد علي حرانية وحسين جمعة عثمان وسامر أبو الخير ومحمد عبد الحفيظ كيلاني ومحمد عز الدين ومحمد علي حرانية ونعيم مروة بالسجن ست سنوات بينما حكمت على خالد جمعة عبد العال وخالد حمامي ومحمد أحمد أسعد بالسجن سبع سنوات وعلى أحمد عمر عابدين بالسجن تسع سنوات بتهمة الانتماء إلى التيار السلفي. وحكم في (10/12/2006) على مصطفى الفحل بالسجن لمدة (3 سنوات) بتهمة الانتماء إلى جمعية سرية تهدف إلى تغيير كيان الدولة الاقتصادي والاجتماعي،  وفي (24/12/2006) أصدرت أحكاماً على خمسة معتقلين بسبب توجهاتهم الإسلامية وهم : الفلسطيني اللبناني محمد مصطفى اسماعيل (8 سنوات)، حسين الإبراهيم (6 سنوات)، مازن الخطيب (3 سنوات)، معاوية الرحال(سنة ونصف)، عبد الكريم خالد (سنة ونصف).  وفي (14/1/2007) أصدرت أحكاماً بالسجن لمدة (15 سنة) بحق مروان زين العابدين وإبراهيم اليوسف، وفي (14/1/2007) أصدرت أحكاماً بحق مجموعة شبان من دوما بمحافظة ريف دمشق اعتقلوا في تشرين الأول 2004: محمد جميل سماق ومصطفى كعكة (عشر سنوات)، جهاد شما وحسام عبد الله ومهند محسن وياسر بسواني (سبع سنوات)، ممدوح رشو (4 سنوات).  وحكمت على أربعة طلاب جامعيين من محافظة اللاذقية: نديم بالوشي الطالب في هندسة الميكانيك بالسجن (10 سنوات) وعلى كل من وسيم عفور وحسام حليوة الطالبين في الهندسة البحرية وعبد الرؤوف سينو طالب الأدب الإنجليزي بالسجن (7 سنوات)، وحكمت على عاصم محمد بشير (37 سنة) بالسجن (10 سنوات) وعلى محمد غسان فوزي الخطيب بالسجن (7 سنوات)، وعلى كل من شاهر محمد معروف الزرقا (27 سنة) وجمال حسين زينية (35 سنة) وماهر حسن خزعل (30 سنة) من التل بريف دمشق بالسجن (6 سنوات) وعلى مراد معروف الزرقا (29 سنة) بالسجن (4 سنوات). وفي (25/2/2007) حكمت على خضر عبد الله رمضان من تلكلخ بمحافظة حمص بالسجن (5 سنوات) وعلى محمد علي الكيلاني من العتيبة بريف دمشق بالسجن (7 سنوات) بتهمة الانتساب لجمعية سرية وإضعاف الشعور القومي. وأصدرت المحكمة في (4/3/2007) أحكاماً ضد إسلاميين في ريف دمشق: أحمد الشلبي وأسامة معينة (10 سنوات)، محمد عبد الغني (8 سنوات)، حسام شلهوم وعبد الوهاب الضاهر (7 سنوات)، إبراهيم نصري (6 سنوات)، محمد خير المبارك (5 سنوات)، منذر برمو (4 سنوات). وفي (11/3/2007) أصدرت محكمة أمن الدولة أحكاماً بحق 26 معتقلاً إسلامياً من قطنا في ريف دمشق: فادي محمد عبد الغني، يحيى محمد بندقجي، أحمد محمود الشيخ (12 سنة)، : محمد أسامة أحمد عطيه، عامر عبد الهادي الشيخ،  أيهم أحمد عمران، عمر محمد جمال نادر (6 سنوات)، رشيد محمود الشيخ، محمد مأمون قاسم الحلو، ساري محي الدين بدر الدين، محمود نايف قدورة، ناصر محمد العامر، إبراهيم احمد صبورة، محمد أحمد النعماني، وسيم محمد جمال نادر، عمر عبد الرحمن عمران، إبراهيم زين الدين،  حسن بن محمد ديب الزين (5 سنوات)، أحمد خالد خسارة،  بلال خالد خسارة، عبد الرزاق يوسف أحمد، حسن محمد ديب الزين،  ورامي أحمد صهيب عرفه (4 سنوات). وأصدرت في (25/3/2007) أحكاماً بالسجن على أربعة معتقلين إسلاميين: مهند هيثم لبني (7 سنوات)، محمد مهدي النجار ومروان محمد الشريف (4 سنوات).  وفي (18/3/2007) أصدرت حكماً بالسجن على أنور حسين حمادة (7 سنوات) وعلى محمد فاتح (6 سنوات) وعلى عمر المطلق (سنتين) . وفي (1/4/2007) أصدرت المحكمة أحكاماً على يحيى خطاب (7 سنوات) ومحمد علي كبة بتهمة الانتساب لجمعية سرية. وفي (15/4/2007) حكم على أنس قرة وخالد قرة وعيسى العبد الله بالسجن (5 سنوات)، وحكمت على نضال الخالدي بالسجن (6 سنوات) في (30/9/2007) بتهمة الانتساب إلى جمعية سرية،  وحكمت في (20/5/2007) على محمد علي الشيخ وعمار عبد الله بالسجن (3 سنوات) بتهمة إثارة نعرات طائفية. وحكمت في (14/6/2007) بالسجن (7 سنوات) على أحمد الشواخ وعقبة الواصل بتهمة الانتساب لجمعية سرية. وأصدرت في (24/6/2007) حكمين بالسجن (تسع سنوات) على محمد قاسم الزعبي وعبد الله الجبوري و(7 سنوات) على سلمان بن داوود علي، وحكمت في (29/7/2007) على الشاب محمود بن علي طيبا وخضر الحسين، وفي (2/8/2007) حكمت على سليمان شاهر بـ (7 سنوات) وعلى وليد عمر بـ (5 سنوات) وبعدها بأسبوع على أحمد منصور الهلالي ومصطفى نور الدين بالسجن (6 سنوات)، وبتاريخ (25/9/2007) على أحمد حمدان بالسجن (4 سنوات) ، علي زين العابدين (سنتان) ، أحمد دعبول (1 سنة واحدة) وفي (11/11/2007) على خالد العبود (7 سنوات)، محمود بن محمد الشيخ (8 سنوات)، محمد الحمود (6 سنوات)، محمد بربور درويش (4 سنوات). وفي (25/11/2007) بالسجن سنتين على معاوية الحسن بتهمة إثارة النعرات والحض على النزاع بين الطوائف. وحكمت محكمة أمن الدولة على ناجي محمد بن وادي (27 سنة) بالسجن (10 سنوات) مع الأشغال الشاقة بقصد ارتكاب جرم إرهابي، بينما حكمت قبل ذلك في (30/9/2007) على الأردني إبراهيم محمد الطاهر بالسجن (15 سنة) بجناية الانتساب لتنظيم إرهابي. وحكمت في (2/12/2007) على أحمد محمود صوان بالسجن لمدة عام واحدة بتهمة إثارة النعرات الطائفية. وحكمت في (16/12/2007) بالسجن أربع سنوات على محمد أنس صالح ورامي السيد وخمس سنوات على محمد أنس صالح بتهمة نشر أخبار كاذبة وعلى عبد سلحب بالسجن عشر سنوات بتهمة الانتساب إلى جمعية سرية تهدف تغيير كيان الدولة الاقتصادي والاجتماعي وإثارة النعرات الطائفية.

5. إجراءات انتقامية

صعدت السلطات السورية من الوسائل الأخرى التي تتبعها ضد نشطاء المجتمع المدني وحقوق الإنسان ومعارضيها من منع السفر وسحب جوازات سفرهم أو عدم إصدار جوازات سفر جديدة والطلب منهم مراجعة الجهات الأمنية بصورة دورية حيث تلجأ إلى تهديدهم ومحاولة إخافتهم  وإرهابهم أو استمالة الذين لا يصمدون أمامهم، هذا بالإضافة إلى الفصل من العمل ومحاولة تفقير الناس وعزلهم اجتماعياً وإذلالهم كما فعلت هذه السلطات ولا تزال تفعل بأسر معتقلي الثمانينيات الذين حوصروا حصاراً شاملاً، ولقد روى أحد المعتقلين الذي أفرج عنه بعد 16 عاماً من الاعتقال أنه وجد أسرته تعيش في منزل تهدم سقفه ولم تسمح السلطات لأحد بمساعدتهم وأجبرتهم على الاستمرار في السكن ببيت بلا سقف، فكان سقف منزلهم رقاع البلاستيك، ومنعت أقاربهم من مساعدتهم في معيشتهم فكانوا يعيشون حياة البؤس والفاقة مرغمين، وكانت الزوجة والأولاد يحضرون بصورة دورية ليحقق معهم عن دخلهم ومن الذي يصرف عليهم.

وفي هذا السياق فقد تضخمت قائمة الممنوعين من السفر حتى ندر وجود ناشط في حقوق الإنسان أو سياسي معارض مسموح له بالسفر،  فبعد منع الناشط في حقوق الإنسان رضوان زيادة من السفر عام 2006 ، منع أيضاً الناشط الإنساني أكثم نعيسة وطلب منه مراجعة الجهات الأمنية، ومنعت سهير الأتاسي رئيس منتدى جمال الأتاسي للحوار الوطني من السفر، وفي (27/7/2006) منعت السلطات الأمنية المحامي مهند الحسني من السفر للمشاركة في ندوة حقوقية في عمان، كما منعت السياسي أحمد منجونة من السفر في نفس التاريخ، ومنعت في 4/11/2007 ثلاثة ناشطين كرد في حقوق الإنسان: رديف مصطفى ومصطفى أوسو وحسن مشو من السفر بالإضافة إلى الناشط خليل معتوق والمحامي مهند الحسني لحضور ورشة حقوقية في القاهرة.   ومنع الناشط الكردي خير الدين مراد من السفر إلى النرويج لزيارة أسرته في أواخر آب (أغسطس) 2007، ومنع الناشط السياسي عبد الرزاق عيد من السفر إلى فرنسا للمعالجة من مرض عضال غير متوفر العلاج في سورية، ثم سمح له بعد عدة مداخلات بينما لا تزال السلطات السورية ترفض إعطاء إذن للنائب السابق رياض سيف بالسفر للعلاج من سرطان البروستات، ولقد تقدم باستئناف ضد قرار أجهزة الأمن لكن القضاء السوري غير المحايد رفض قضيته مرتين بدون تقديم مبررات لذلك. ومنع الناشط الإنساني ناصر الغزالي الذي يحمل الجنسية السويدية من العودة إلى السويد في( 28/9/2007 ) إثر زيارة له إلى سورية. ومنع في منتصف تشرين الثاني (نوفمبر) 2007 راسم سيد سليمان رئيس المنظمة العربية لحقوق الإنسان في سورية من السفر إلى تركيا لحضور منتدى القدس، كما منع في 19 تشرين الثاني (نوفمبر) 2007 عمار قربي رئيس المنظمة الوطنية لحقوق الإنسان من السفر إلى عمان لحضور ندوة حقوقية. ومنعت قبل ذلك الناشطة سيرين خوري من السفر إلى الأردن، كما منع الطالب مصطفى الحايد من السفر للدراسة في شهر آب (أغسطس) 2007 وفي (21/11/2007) منعت السلطات مهند عبد الرحمن وجوان يوسف من السفر لحضور فعاليات حقوقية. وحالات منع السفر أكثر من أن تحصى.

ومنعت المخابرات السورية المهندس عبد الكريم مطر من دير الزور من العودة إلى وظيفته في إحدى الوزارات بعد عقوبة سجن دامت (13 سنة) فعمل سائق سيارة أجرة حتى توفي إثر نوبة قلبية في (27/7/2007) من شدة تأثره.

وتستخدم السلطات السورية الحرمان من الحقوق المدنية كعقوبة إضافية وإجراء انتقامي آخر ضد أولئك الذين أمضوا عقوبة السجن في القضايا السياسية، بحيث لا تستقيم حياتهم ولا تكتمل حريتهم بعد الإفراج عنهم. ويعاني المجردون من حقوقهم المدنية، بموجب الأحكام الصادرة بحقهم التي تنص على هذا الحرمان، من تضاؤل فرص العيش في بلد يعتمد عدد كبير من سكانه على الوظيفة الحكومية في الحصول على دخل. ويشمل التجريد من الحقوق المدنية في سورية -- بالإضافة إلى منع التوظيف -- الحرمان من جواز السفر، وبالتالي فإن المعتقلين السابقين في الغالب ممنوعون من مغادرة البلاد بحثاً عن لقمة العيش. ويتمكن بعض المعتقلين السابقين من الحصول على الوثائق ومنها جواز السفر، بعد المرور بأقنية الفساد، ودفع الأتاوات والرشاوى. ويطال التجريد من الحقوق أيضاً عشرات الآلاف من المواطنين الكرد السوريين الذين جُردوا حتى من الجنسية بموجب الإحصاء الاستثنائي الجائر لعام 1962، الذي جرى في محافظة الحسكة دون غيرها.

6. محنة العائدين والزائرين

يعاني العائدون إلى سورية والزائرون لها من أخطار الاعتقال والتحقيق والتعرض للتعذيب، وهم صيد ثمين للمعلومات وللابتزاز والفساد المالي الذي تشتهر بها أجهزة المخابرات وسلطات الأمن السورية. ومن الأمثلة على ذلك اعتقال عبد الله عبد الرحمن الزعبي من محافظة درعا الذي حضر لزيارة البلد في أول شهر حزيران (يونيو) 2006 واعتقال باتريسيا دبور عياش التي تحمل الجنسية السويسرية في (4/7/2007) عند حضورها لزيارة البلد والإفراج عنها لاحقاً، واعتقال الطالب الجامعي في اليمن محمد صلاح الدين عبد اللطيف (20 سنة) من حلب في (12/7/2006) لدى وصوله لقضاء العطلة الصيفية، واعتقال أسامة محمد علي العلو (24 سنة) المقيم مع أسرته في دولة الإمارات لدى وصوله للزيارة في (4/9/2006)، واعتقال محمد الحريري وحسين النابلسي (سوريان) ومحمود حسين شحيبر وفتح الله حسين شحيبر (فلسطينيان مقيمان) لدى وصولهم قادمين من ليبيا في 17/11/2006 بعد اعتقال دام (16 سنة) في ليبيا بسبب تصوفهم، وأطلق سراحهم لاحقاً، واعتقل محمد عبد الحي شلبي (64 سنة) من التل في ريف دمشق في 10/12/2006 فور وصوله من السعودية على الرغم من ترتيب زيارته مع الجهات الرسمية وبالرغم من إصابته بأمراض عضالة، واعتقل حسين اسماعيل الدغيم القادم من مالطة لزيارة أهله في محافظة إدلب في 30/12/2006 وجرد من نقوده التي يحملها معه وما أن أطلق سراحه حتى اعتقلته جهة أمنية ثانية حيث دام اعتقاله فترة تجاوزت (6 أشهر) ولا يزال ممنوعاً من العودة إلى أسرته في مالطة حيث يسكن ويعمل ويحمل جنسيتها. واعتقل الطبيب الاستشاري جهاد شعبان قباقيبو (50 سنة) من حمص في أواخر ديسمبر 2006 لدى وصوله لزيارة سورية من المملكة العربية السعودية حيث يعمل بعد ترتيب الزيارة مع المسؤولين وأفرج عنه في النصف الأول من أيلول 2007 ، هذا بالإضافة إلى محمد أسامة سايس وعبد الرحمن الموسى وعبد الجبار علاوي الذين ذكروا آنفاً في ملف القانون 49

وتعتبر الأمثلة التي ذكرت آنفاً غيضاً قليلاً من فيض كبير من الاعتقالات والتحقيقات التي تقع بحق الزائرين والعائدين إلى سورية، بل لا يكاد يخلو يوم من تكرر هذه الحوادث الخارقة للقانون. وتلقت اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان شكاوى عديدة أثناء العطلة الصيفية الفائتة عن المضايقات التي تعرض لها بعض الزائرين إلى سورية من العراقيين خصوصاً الذين  أثبتوا أنه لم يسمح لهم بالدخول إلى سورية إلا بعد دفع رشاً لضباط وعناصر الأمن في مطار دمشق الدولي، ولقد تم إيقاف بعضهم ساعات وأياماً ولفقت بحقهم قصص وتعرضوا للإهانة وسوء المعاملة في حالة عدم دفعهم للمطلوب منهم.

7. ملف الكرد

الحملة ضد النشطاء الكرد مستمرة بكل أنواعها: الاعتقال والتقديم للمحاكم الاستثنائية والعسكرية والاستمرار بإنكار الاعتراف بحقوق الكرد كمواطنين يتمتعون بكافة حقوقهم، وإنكار الاعتراف بحقوقهم الثقافية والإثنية التي يمنحها النظام لإثنيات أخرى في سورية، وقمع أي مطالبة يقومون بها بالعنف ولو أدى ذلك إلى استخدام العنف ضدهم وإطلاق النار عليهم.

قدم كثير منهم للمحاكم الاستثنائية بتهم مفصلة وجاهزة مثل الانتساب لتنظيم سري ومحاولة اقتطاع جزء من الأراضي السورية بهدف ضمها إلى دولة أجنبية، فقد حكم على قنبر حسين قنبر في (10/12/2006) بالسجن لمدة (3 سنوات) وفقاً للتهمة المذكورة أعلاه، وحكم في (4/2/2007) على 12 كردياً بنفس التهمة بالسجن لفترات متفاوته كالتالي: الحكم بالسجن لمدة سبع سنوات ونصف على كل من أحمد علي رستم وجوان بكر ولقمان مصطفى ومحمد حسن ومحمد علي مصطفى، الحكم بالسجن أربع سنوات على كل من عبد القادر شيخو وعنايت علي إبش، الحكم بالسجن لمدة ثلاث سنوات على كل من شيرزاد بكر ومحمد محمد إبش، الحكم بالسجن لمدة سنتين ونصف على كل من خبات رشكيلو وشيخ موسى قاسم ومصطفة حسن.  وحكم في (23/11/2006) غيابياً على الناشط السياسي الكردي شيركوه الاحمد العضو القيادي في حزب الاتحاد الديمقراطي. وثمة أعداد كبيرة من الاثنية الكردية تحاكم طليقة، فقد ورد أن 49 كردياً كانوا يحاكمون وهم طلقاء أمام القاضي الفرد العسكري بدمشق في (14/12/2006) على خلفية إحياء الذكرى السنوية الأولى لاختطاف واغتيال الشيخ الكردي محمد معشوق الخزنوي.

جرت خلال الفترة التي يغطيها التقرير اعتقال عشرات النشطاء الكرد أو الذين عثر حظهم وكانوا ضحية لأجهزة المخابرات والأمن السورية.  فقد نقلت الأخبار أن إبراهيم خليل (58 سنة) وعزت عثمان (33 سنة) ومحمد عبد خليل (42 سنة) وصلاح محمد بلال (35 سنة) اعتقلوا من حي الأشرفية بحلب بتاريخ (4/8/2006). واعتقل في (5/10/2006) مشاركون في اعتصام بالقامشلي احتجاجاً على الإحصاء الاستثنائي لعام 1962 عرف منهم زهير كنجو حمو وجدعان عثمان ورديف مصطفى وفوزي علي واسماعيل مصطفى وكانيوار علي وعامر حمو وجمعة إسماعيل محمود وعبد الله محمود مناور وسرور شيخموس ومحمد نبي وعلي… ونجم الدين… واسماعيل… ونقل أن مراد الخزنوي نجل المغدور الشيخ محمد معشوق الخزنوي اعتقل في (13/11/2006) أثناء توجهه إلى عمان، لكن علم أنه أطلق سراحه لاحقاً، واعتقل من بلدة الدرباسية لقمان محمد محمد بتاريخ (2/11/2006) وأحمد فرحو بتاريخ (4/11/2006) إثر  زيارة إلى أقاربهم في شمال العراق. واعتقلت المخابرات العسكرية من عفرين الناشطة الكردية نعيمة عبدو (40 سنة) في أواخر آب (أغسطس) 2006 وأُثر أنها تعرضت للتعذيب الشديد مما ادى إلى نقلها إلى المستشفى العسكري بحلب، واعتقل في (16/10/2006) ريزان عادل أحمد من محله في بلدة عامودا واقتيد على وجه السرعة إلى القامشلي ثم إلى دمشق. واعتقل  من عفرين في (19/11/2006) مسلم مصطفى كوتو، وقبل ذلك بثلاثة أيام داهمت عناصر مسلحة من الشعبة السياسية عدداً من المنازل في حلب واعتقلت خالد رشيد رشيد (من جنديريس) ومحمد موسى حمكو  وعثمان محمد موسى حمكو (من راجو) ، واعتقل في (20/12/2006) سكرتير حزب الوحدة الديمقراطي الكردي في سورية محمد شيخموس آلي (54 سنة) من أحد مقاهي حلب، واعتقل في منتصف آب (أغسطس) 2007 المواطن المغترب محمود عيسى من قريته عرشقيبار إثر زياة له من ألمانيا ، واعتقل بتاريخ (17/12/2006) الشاب محمد مصطفى بيرم من دمر بريف دمشق، واعتقل الطالب الجامعي عمار الأحمد من حلب، واعتقل في (12/8/2007) معروف ملا أحمد العضو القيادي في حزب يكيتي الكردي. واعتقل مجموعة من العمال الكرد في مدينة النبك في (15/4/2007) عرف منهم رعد طه رمضان ومروان محمد سعيد وعدنان محمد يوسف وإبراهيم محمد خلف وعمران… وإدريس…، واعتقلت مخابرات أمن الدولة المعتقل الكردي السابق عزت فائق مصطفى (49 سنة) في (22/7/2007) من قضاء عفرين. واعتقلت المخابرات العسكرية بشار أمين العلي عضو اللجنة السياسية لحزب آزاد الكردي في (2/9/2007) من بيته في محافظة الحسكة وهو بلباس النوم، واعتقل الناشط في لجنة المثقفين الكرد ابراهيم مصطفى (27 سنة) من بلدة عين العرب بتاريخ (16/6/2007) ونقل إلى فرع أمن الدولة بحلب ومن ثم إلى دمشق. وقد اعتقل (15) كرديا من مدينة القامشلي في (2/11/2007) إثر قيامهم بتظاهرة احتجاجية، ويحاكمون حالياً أمام القاضي الفرد العسكري بمدينة القامشلي وهم: محي الدين شيخموس حسين، وعبد كمال إسماعيل وسليم سليمان هادي، وشعلان محسن إبراهيم، وعباس خليل إبراهيم، وشيخموس عبدي حسن، وعيسى إبراهيم حسو، وعبد الكريم حسين أحمد، ومحمد حليم إبراهيم، وعبد الرحمن سليمان رمو، وجميل إبراهيم عمر، ووليد حسن حسين، ومازن فنديار حمو، وفراس فارس أحمد وموسى صبري عكيل، بينما أحيل إلى محكمة الجنايات بالحسكة الأحداث:حسين أحمد حسن،وتحسين طه فتاح وسيبان خليل علي، وخليل محمد إسماعيل، ونافع عبد الرؤوف غيدا، وشنيدار جمال ساريك، وشيندار صلاح علي. وقامت السلطات الأمنية وقوات حفظ النظام في (16/12/2007) بدمشق بتفريق مظاهرة دعت إليها أحزاب كردية أمام محكمة أمن الدولة احتجاجاً على محاكمة مجموعة من الكرد، وقد كررت السلطات السورية أسلوبها بحجز المعتصمين في شاحنات كبيرة وتفريغهم بعيداً عن مكان الاعتصام.

8. ملف الاعتقال العشوائي

الاعتقالات العشوائية مستمرة في سورية على أوسع نطاق في القرى والمدن والبلدات تستهدف كل معارض للنظام وكل من يُشتبه بمعارضته، والحقيقة أن الغالبية العظمى من حالات الاعتقال العشوائي لا تصل أخبارها إلى وسائل الإعلام والمنظمات الإنسانية وخصوصاً عندماً يتعلق الأمر بالمتدينين، إذ يعتقلون سراً في الليل وتخشى أسرهم التي تتعرض للتهديد بالاعتقال والاجراءات العقابية من التحدث بالخبر. والاعتقال العشوائي تقوم به أجهزة الأمن والمخابرات بصورة تلقائية بناء على تقارير المخبرين والوشاة والعملاء، وهو مخالف للدستور لكن السلطات تبرر أعمالها استناداً إلى حالة الطوارئ المعلنة في سورية منذ (8/3/1963) بزعم أن البلاد تتعرض للأخطار الخارجية.

ومن النماذج السريعة  على الاعتقال العشوائي ما قامت به دوريات من مخابرات القوى الجوية في (11/11/2006) -- من مداهمة-منازل عديدة في مدينة حمص واعتقلت العديد من المواطنين بشبهة الانتماء لحزب التحرير عرف منهم غزوان الشوا وجهاد الكيال وبشيرأبو اللبن وإياد الخراز ، وتابعت المخابرات المذكورة حملتها باعتقال هاشم بايرلي ومشير أبو اللبن بعد ذلك بيومين من الشارع.  وفي الثامن عشر من الشهر المذكور داهمت دورية من شعبة الأمن السياسي عيادة ومخبر أسنان واعتقلت صاحبه ياسين حديد وعدداً من العاملين في المخبر على خلفية القضية.

واعتقل المدرس محمد الأسعد، ويامن الطويل في الأسبوع الأخير من شهر آب (أغسطس) 2006 من بلدة سلقين في إدلب بسبب خلفيتهما الدينية، واعتقل لنفس السبب المواطن الفلسطيني ماهر نجمة من مخيم اليرموك بدمشق في (17/8/2006) ، واعتقلت دورية من المخابرات العسكرية كلاً من عبد العزيز رفيعة، وعبد الرحمن رفيعة، وعمر رفيعة، وعبد الرحمن يوسفان، وعبد العزيز يوسفان، وعادل محلمي، وعبد العزيز محلمي من منازلهم في مدينة القامشلي بتاريخ (20/11/2006) بسبب توجهاتهم الدينية. واعتقل صباح (15/11/2006) الطبيب محمد علي عيسى (29 سنة) بسبب توجهاته الدينية، وألحق به شقيقه يوسف لمجرد حضوره إلى شعبة المخابرات للسؤال عنه.

وشنت المخابرات حملة من الاعتقالات في قضاء أريحا بين الشبان العائدين من أداء مناسك العمرة في تموز (يوليو) 2007 فاعتقلوا صفوان قدور ثم مصعب الشيخ وأحيلا إلى فرع فلسطين (الفرع 235) ثم اعتقل محمد قربي واعتقل أيضاً محمد سخيطة ومحمد طكو ومحسن طكو وإياد العدل وهو حدث دون السن القانونية.

وفي أواخر شهر تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) 2007 شنت السلطات الأمنية حملة ضد منتسبي التيار السلفي في ريف إدلب وورد ضمن أسماء المعتقلين ماهر محمد عبد الباقي (23 سنة)، ومحمد عبد الغفور عبد الباقي (22 سنة)، وأحمد عبد الغفور عبد الباقي (24 سنة)، ومحمد مروان عبد الباقي (26 سنة) ومأمون أحمد فرعون (28 سنة) وكلهم من محمبل. بالإضافة إلى أسامة نادر عاصي، وعبد اللطيف أسعد عاصي، وسعد نافع عاصي، القعقاع نافع عاصي، وشقيقهم الرابع، وسعيد أحمد عاصي وكلهم من أريحا.

وفي (13/1/2007) اعتقلت السلطات السورية عمر محمد بكور (34 سنة) وشقيقه سفيان محمد بكور (30 سنة) وهما أبناء محمد بكور المعارض المقيم في العراق، وقد عادا إلى سورية إثر تسوية في ربيع عام 2003، وقد أفرج عن عمر محمد بكور لاحقاً لكن لا يزال سفيان معتقلاً رهينة عن والده مع أنه لا ينتمي إلى أي تنظيم سياسي ولا يصنف ناشطاً في الميدان السياسي أو الاجتماعي، ولم يقدم على عمل يستوجب اعتقاله حتى بمقاييس النظام سوى أنه نجلٌ لمعارض. واعتقل المعتقل السابق المترجم علي صادق البرازي إثر استدعائه لأحد المقار الأمنية في (20/11/2007) ثم أفرج عنه في (26/12/2007) بدون وجود أي مبرر لهذا الاعتقال العشوائي.

هذا بالإضافة إلى أن حالات الاعتقال الواردة في الفصول الأخرى التي تخص الإسلاميين والكرد ونشطاء المجتمع المدني والسياسيين وحقوق الإنسان تعتبر اعتقالاً عشوائياً غير قانوني وغير مبرر.

9. التعذيب وسوء المعاملة

يستعمل التعذيب على نطاق واسع وبشكل روتيني ومنهجي في مراكز التحقيق والمعتقلات والسجون السورية، ويمكن الجزم بأن كافة من يحقق معهم يتعرضون للتعذيب. ويشتد التعذيب وتتنوع أشكاله وتتلون فنونه حسب المعتقل والتهمة الموجهة إليه ودرجة تعاونه مع المحققين. والمعتقلون على خلفية إسلامية ينالون القسط الأكبر من التعذيب، فبينما تهدر الأجهزة الأمنية والمخابراتية كرامتهم إلى أبعد حد  تزهد كثير من المنظمات الإنسانية العالمية في إبراز حالاتهم والدفاع عنهم. ومما يزيد في تعقيد الأمور الصلاحيات الكبيرة التي يتمتع بها الضباط والمحققون لا سيما وأن النظام السوري لم يوقع على معاهدة مناهضة التعذيب.

وتتنوع أشكال التعذيب من الضرب باليد والصفع على الوجه واستخدام العصا والكابلات المشرطة والصعق الكهربائي في المناطق الحساسة أو الصعق الكهربائي مع استخدام الماء والشبح وبساط الريح والكرسي الألماني والدولاب والتعليق إلى أسفل والمروحة وكسر أعضاء الجسم وترك المعتقل يتألم بدون تقديم علاج والإغراق بالماء والحرق بالسجائر والتكبيل بالأغلال لفترات طويلة والحرمان من النوم وسواها.

ولقد صرح القاضي عامر الخطيب رئيس مجلس الدولة سابقاً ورئيس المحكمة الإدارية العليا في (27/11/2006) بأنه تعرض للتعذيب البدني والمعنوي أثناء التحقيق معه في فرع الأمن السياسي بدمشق، وثبت بما لا يرقى إليه شك تعرض الناشط السياسي محمد كمال اللبواني للتعذيب إثر اعتقاله والتحقيق معه في الفترة التي يغطيها هذا التقرير. وتعرض المعتقل محمد حيدر زمار للتعذيب الشديد في فرع فلسطين لانتزاع اعترافات منه أثناء التحقيق معه من مخابرات سورية وغير سورية. وروت ركانة مطيع حمور  تعرضها للخطف من الشارع ومن منزلها بلباس النوم وتعرضها للتعذيب والإهانة والتحرش المجافي للأخلاق على خلفية خلاف عائلي مع أخوتها وقف فيه الأمن معهم حين  دفعوا مبالغ كبيرة حسب روايتها.

وفي جلسة محكمة أمن الدولة العليا بتاريخ (26/11/2006) لمحاكمة حسام ملحم، وعلام فخور، وأيهم صقر، وماهر إسبر، وطارق الغوراني، وعمر العبد الله، ودياب سرية، وعلي العلي أنكروا التهم الموجهة إليهم وأكدوا بأن اعترافاتهم للأجهزة الأمنية قد انتزعت تحت التعذيب الشديد والإكراه.

بالإضافة إلى ذلك فقد وردت كثير من الأخبار عن تعرض العائدين إلى سورية للتعذيب وتزداد جرعة التعذيب بالنسبة للمعتقلين منهم على خلفية إسلامية.

10. الموت تحت التعذيب

في حالات لا بأس بها يفضي التعذيب إلى الموت، لكن السلطات لا تعترف بذلك، وفي حال تسليم جثة المعتقل لذويه يطلب منهم عدم فتح الصندوق ودفنه فوراً بينما يبرر تقرير طبيب السجن الموت بأنه  حدث إثر “نوبة قلبية مفاجئة”.  فقد ذكر مثلاً مصدر وثيق الصلة أن جثة الشاب عبد المعز السالم من أريحا، الذي كان معتقلاً في فرع فلسطين سلمت لذويه في كيس أسود بتاريخ  (4/7/2007) بإشراف المخابرات العسكرية وطلب منهم دفنه على وجه السرعة في أرض تخص والده، ولقد تكررت الحادثة قبل ذلك بعام عندما سلمت المخابرات العسكرية جثة المعتقل محمد شاهر حيصة إلى أسرته من مستشفى تشرين العسكري بريف دمشق.  وذكر في تقرير خاص تلقته اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان في أواخر شهر تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) 2007 أن إبراهيم علوان (35 سنة) من حلب مات تحت التعذيب في أحد مراكز التحقيق  السورية. وأقدمت دورية من الأمن الجنائي في (6/11/2007) على ضرب وركل وإهانة أحمد سليم الشيخ (37 سنة) في الطريق العام حتى فارق الحياة أمام أنظار المارة.  ومات تحت التعذيب في شهر كانون الأول (ديسمبر) 2007 المعتقل أحمد عبد الغفور عبد الباقي (24 سنة)، وقد حاولت السلطات التعمية على مصرعه بإشاعة أنه قتل في العراق على الرغم من ثبوت اعتقاله من قبل المخابرات السورية منذ حوالي خمسة أشهر.

11. الموت نتيجة إطلاق النار

ازداد في هذه الفترة استخدام الرصاص الحي لإرهاب المواطنين، وقد لقي بعضهم مصرعه دون سبب فقد قتل عبد الهادي بستو برصاص الشرطة بتاريخ (22/9/2007 ) في دمر بريف دمشق عندما كان متواجداً وعمال البلدية تهدم أحد المساكن غير المرخصة، وقتل الشاب عمار فندي (30 سنة) عندما داهمت قوات الأمن في (9/6/2007) منزله في اللاذقية وفتحت عليه النار بغزاره فأردته قتيلاً . وفتح أحد عناصر الأمن النار على سيارة على الطريق العام من القامشلي إلى الحسكة بدون إشعار مسبق فأردى ناصر مشعان الذرب (30 سنة) قتيلاً على الفور فتوقفت السيارة وترجل صالح حماد النزال واحتج على مصرع صديقه فما كان من عنصر الأمن إلا أن فتح عليه النار من مسافة قريبة جداً فأراده قتيلاً أيضاً . وسقط صريعاً في مدينة القامشلي في (2/11/2007) عيسى خليل ملا حسين عندما فتحت السلطات النار على المتظاهرين المحتجين على الحشود التركية على حدود شمال العراق، بينما أصيب العديد مثل شيار علي خليل، وبلال حسين حسن وآخرون.

جرت اشتباكات مسلحة إثر توتر وحملة اعتقالات واسعة في بلدة عربين بريف دمشق صباح الجمعة (2/6/2006) قتل خلالها العديد من أحداث المنطقة الذين تقل أعمارهم عن 17 سنة، وقد عرف من الذين لقوا حتفهم: وسام دوفش، وعبد الرحمن الشيخ محي الدين، ومحمد القالش، ومحمد البقاعي، وآخر من أسرة الطن.

12.  المعتقلون العرب

اعتقلت أجهزة المخابرات وقوات الأمن السورية العشرات من المواطنين العرب الزائرين لسورية في هذه الفترة بالإضافة إلى مئات ما زالوا يرزحون في السجون والمعتقللات السورية من قبل، هذا باستثناء المئات الذين اختفوا بنفس الطريقة التي اختفى فيها زملاؤهم المعتقلون السوريون منذ ما يقرب من ثلاثة عقود.

وردت تقارير عن اعتقال مواطنين سعوديين قدموا إلى البلاد لقضاء العطلة أو لزيارة أقارب أو للطبابة في سورية فألقي القبض عليهم واتهموا بالانتماء  إلى المذهب الوهابي وتيارات إسلامية أو بشبهة محاولة التسلل إلى العراق أو بشبهة ممارسات غير أخلاقية، ثم تبين أن معظم حالات الاعتقال حصلت على خلفية الابتزاز المالي من عناصر أمن فاسدين مدعومين. وقد أثيرت هذه القضية في الصحافة السعودية ولدى نشطاء حقوق الإنسان السعوديين وطالبوا حكومتهم بالتدخل للإفراج عن المعتقلين الذين بلغ عددهم 180 سعودياً وفقاً لبعض التقارير. وقد أدلى بعض من أفرج عنهم بأنهم تعرضوا للتعذيب واتهموا بالانتماء إلى المذهب الوهابي،  وذكرت أسرة عامر هوصان سعود المقاضي بأن ولدهم اختفى قبل يوم من عودته إلى السعودية من دمشق بتاريخ 19/4/2007 وبعد فترة اتصلت سيدة وطلبت 50000 ريال سعودي للإفراج عنه، وقال آخرون بأن سياح سعوديين تعرضوا للنهب والاعتداء عليهم وعلى سياراتهم والتلفظ بألفاظ نابية واعتقالهم من قبل عناصر المخابرات السورية.

أما المعتقلون الأردنيون في السجون السورية فقضيتهم قديمة جديدة، تحرك هذا الملف هذا العام وتحركت بعض الجمعيات الإنسانية الأردنية للمطالبة بالإفراج عنهم، ووردت أنباء أن الملك عبد الله الثاني طلب من الرئيس بشار الأسد أثناء زيارته إلى سورية في تشرين الثاني (نوفمبر) 2007 الإفراج عن المعتقلين الأردنيين واستجابة لذلك سلمت السلطات السورية 18 معتقلاً جنائياً إلى السلطات الأردنية من أصل 215 معتقلاً وفق بعض التقارير الرسمية بينما تقول مصادر أردنية إنسانية أخرى بأن عدد المعتقلين الأردنيين قد يرتفع إلى ألف معتقل في السجون السورية، وتعتقد اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان أن كثيراً من المعتقلين الأردنيين الذين اعتقلوا في الثمانينيات قد اختفوا في السجون، فقد أعدموا أو ماتوا تحت التعذيب الشديد، لكن السلطات السورية ما زالت تتجاهل قضيتهم شأنهم في ذلك شأن المختفين السوريين.

اعترفت السلطات الأمنية السورية من قبل  بـ (80 ) معتقلاً لبنانياً لكن جمعيات حقوق الإنسان اللبنانية ترفع العدد إلى 850 اعتقلوا خلال فترة الوجود السوري في لبنان، وقد اعتقلوا بشبهات مختلفة ولم يفصح النظام عن وجودهم لديه، بالإضافة إلى العديد من الجنوداللبنانيين. ولقد روت التقارير وبعض المفرج عنهم  تعرضهم للتعذيب الشديد بما في ذلك الجلد والحرمان من النوم والتكبيل بالأغلال لفترات طويلة. ولقد رفضت السلطات السورية كل النداءات للإفراج عن المعتقلين اللبنانيين بينما تعتقد اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان أن كثيراً منهم اختفوا في السجون السورية وتمت تصفيتهم فيها سراً دون أن تعترف السلطات السورية بممارساتها الدموية.

بالإضافة إلى ذلك فهناك العشرات من الفلسطنيين والعراقيين الذين اعتقلوا خلال هذا العام وقلما تمت الإشارة إليهم بسبب التكتم من جهة سلطات المخابرات والأمن السورية وخوف أسر المعتقلين من عواقب الإفصاح عن اعتقال أحبائهم.

13. محكمة أمن الدولة

محكمة أمن الدولة من أهم وسائل القمع التي تستخدمها السلطات الأمنية. ويجوز للسلطات بموجب القانون تشكيل أكثر من محكمة أمن دولة وعقدها في مناطق مختلفة من البلاد، ولقد استحدثت محكمة أمن الدولة  لتحل محل المحاكم العسكرية الاستثنائية التي أُلغيت عام 1968.

وقد كانت محكمة أمن الدولة العليا في دمشق من أسوأ الأدوات التي استخدمتها السلطة في حملتها على المجتمع السوري في الثمانينات. ويُعتقد أن هذه المحكمة أصدرت خلال عقد الثمانينات وحده آلاف الأحكام، كثير منها بالإعدام. ولم تكتف السلطات باستخدام المحكمة كوسيلة لتقنين القمع، بل إن أحكامها كانت نفذت، وطُبقت بحق أعداد كبيرة من المعتقلين السياسيين، حسب شهادات الشهود في سجن تدمر وغيره من السجون التي اعتُقل فيها السياسيون.

وبالرغم من الانخفاض الكبير الذي شهده إصدار الأحكام عن هذه المحكمة خلال التسعينات، إلا أن المحاكمات أمامها لم تنتهِ تماماً، فأصدرت أحكاماً على ناشطين في مجال حقوق الإنسان، كان أبرزهم أعضاء لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان وأعضاء من الحزب الشيوعي- المكتب السياسي ورابطة العمل الشيوعي. وعادت هذه المحكمة بعد عام 2000 إلى محاكمة المعتقلين السياسيين، بالرغم من انتفاء قانونيتها التي تكرست ببقاء رئيس المحكمة على رأسها بعد إحالته على التقاعد. بل وقامت بإحياء القانون رقم 49 لعام 1980 وأصدرت بموجبه أحكام الإعدام على المتهمين بالانتساب إلى جماعة الإخوان المسلمين، ولكنها أصبحت تخفض الأحكام إلى السجن الطويل. ولقد أوردنا في فقرة ملف القانون 49 أنها حكمت في الفترة التي يغطيها هذا التقرير على 24 معتقلاً على الأقل بالإعدام.

وتُعتبر هذه المحكمة من ضمن أخطر الانتهاكات لحقوق المواطنين في البلاد، بالنظر إلى الصلاحيات المطلقة التي تتمتع بها. كما أن المحكمة ترتبط بمؤسسة رئاسة الجمهورية مباشرة، لأن الرئيس وحده الذي يملك الصلاحية لمنع تنفيذ أحكامها، أو الأمر بإعادة المحاكمة، أي يُترك مصير من تحكم عليهم المحكمة بيد رئيس السلطة التنفيذية.

وينص المرسوم التشريعي رقم 47 الصادر عن رئيس الجمهورية في 28/3/1968، وهو المرسوم الذي أحدث محكمة أمن الدولة العليا وحدد اختصاصاتها في مادته السادسة على أنه “يشمل اختصاص محكمة أمن الدولة العليا جميع الأشخاص من مدنيين وعسكريين مهما كانت صفتهم أو حصانتهم”.

كما أن المرسوم بالرغم من نصه في المادة السابعة على “الاحتفاظ بحق الدفاع المنصوص عليه في القوانين النافذة”، فقد شرّع عمل المحكمة خارج القانون بتأكيده على أنه “لا تتقيد محاكم أمن الدولة بالإجراءات الأصولية المنصوص عليها في التشريعات النافذة وذلك في جميع أدوار وإجراءات الملاحقة والتحقيق والمحاكمة”، و”يكون للنيابة العامة عند التحقيق جميع الصلاحيات المخولة إليها ولقاضي التحقيق ولقاضي الإحالة بمقتضى القوانين النافذة”.

ولا يجوز الطعن بالأحكام الصادرة عن محكمة أمن الدولة العليا، والشخص الوحيد الذي بإمكانه منع تنفيذ الأحكام هو رئيس الجمهورية بحكم أنه لا تكون هذه الحكام نافذة إلا بعد التصديق عليها بقرار من رئيس الدولة الذي له حق إلغاء الحكم مع الأمر بإعادة المحاكمة، أو إلغائه مع حفظ الدعوى، أو تخفيض العقوبة أو تبديلها بأقل منها. ويكون لحفظ الدعوى مفعول العفو العام. ويكون قرار رئيس الدولة في هذا الشأن مبرما غير قابل لأي طريق من طرق الطعن أو المراجعة”. وتلغي المادة العاشرة من المرسوم “جميع الأحكام المخالفة لهذا المرسوم التشريعي”.

14. اعتصامات وتظاهرات

تدار سورية بقبضة أمنية محكمة ويُمنع التعبير عن الرأي ما لم يكن منسجماً مع مواقف السلطة ويشمل هذا المنع جميع المواطنين، وإن علت مراتبهم ، لكن ذلك لم يمنع نشطاء المجتمع المدني وأصحاب القضايا من تخطي الحواجز  والنزول إلى الشارع للتعبير عن رأيهم.  وتُستخدم قوات الأمن والمخابرات وحفظ النظام للتعامل مع الاعتصامات والمظاهرات مهما صغرت، وذلك لترهيب المواطنين ومنعهم من الاشتراك فيها. ويتراوح تعامل هذه القوات مع المعتصمين والمتظاهرين بين المنع من التجمع، والضرب وصولاً إلى إطلاق النار. ، ففي (5/10/2006)  منعت قوات الأمن والشرطة اعتصاماً سلمياً كان مقرراً  إجراؤه أمام مجلس الوزراء بمناسبة الذكرى الرابعة والأربعين للإحصاء الاستثنائي الذي أجري في محافظة الحسكة عام 1962 وكان من نتائجه تجريد 150 ألف كردي من جنسيتهم السورية. حاول المعتصمون  تنفيذ اعتصامهم في مكان بديل لكن قوات الأمن كانت محتاطة لإفشال كل البدائل وقد اعتقل العديد من المواطنين المشاركين من الكرد ونشطاء المجتمع المدني والسياسيين.

ونظمت فعاليات كردية في (2/11/2007) في القامشلي وعين العرب تظاهرتين احتجاجاً على حشد القوات التركية على الحدود العراقية فتصدت لها قوات الأمن وفرقتها وأوقعت العديد من الإصابات بما في ذلك إصابة قاتلة بالإضافة إلى عشرات المعتقلين.

واعتصم العشرات من أهالي الجولان أمام مكتب الصليب الأحمر بدمشق تضامناً مع الأسرى السوريين والعرب في سجون الاحتلال الإسرائيلي في (30/10/2007) ، وكان قد سبق هذه الفعالية اعتصام مماثل في (23/8/2007) أمام مقر الأمم المتحدة بدمشق بدعوة من فعاليات منظمات إنسانية سورية للمطالبة بالإفراج عن الأسرى والمعتقلين السوريين في سجون الاحتلال الإسرائيلي.

وفي (28/11/2007) توجه حشد من أسر وأقارب بساتين غربي حمص في أربع حافلات لتنظيم اعتصام أمام القصر الرئاسي بدمشق ضد الاستملاك غير القانوني لبساتينهم من قبل بلدية حمص، وعند وصولهم إلى شارع أبي رمانة بدأ عناصر الأمن والشرطة والمرور بصدهم ومنعهم من التجمع، فوقعت مشادات ومدافعات عنيفة وكان المنظر لافتاً للمارة وللصحفيين الموجودين في الشارع، وأمام إصرار المعتصمين سُمح لثلاثة منهم بالدخول إلى مكتب حرس القصر الذي أحالهم إلى مكتب رئاسة مجلس الوزراء، فتوجهوا إلى هناك ووقعت مدافعة أشد مرة أخرى إثر ورود أنباء عن شروع بلدية حمص بتنفيذ الإخلاءات من البساتين. ولقد تعرض المواطنون للمدافعة والعنف والضرب على يد عناصر الأمن والشرطة بينما كانت مطالبهم البسيطة تتمثل في انتظار البت القانوني في مشروعية استيلاء البلدية على أراضيهم قبل إخلائهم منها.

استخدمت قوات الأمن في هذا العام أسلوباً جديداً لإحباط الاعتصامات، مثل اعتقال المتوجهين للاعتصام وضربهم، أواعتقالهم لفترة مؤقتة، كما حصل في الذكرى الرابعة والأربعين لفرض حالة الطوارئ، حينما اعتقلت قوات الأمن المتجهين إلى الاعتصام أمام مجلس الشعب في آذار 2007، ونقلتهم بسيارات إلى مناطق بعيدة في أطراف العاصمة دمشق لتفريق الاعتصام ومنعه.

15. تقييد الحريات الإعلامية

وسائل الإعلام في سورية مقيّدة، من حيث الترخيص ومن حيث حرية النشر. وما زالت السلطات تقيد ترخيص المجلات والصحف، والقنوات التلفزيونية والإذاعية. وما يزال الإعلام الرسمي هو المسيطر في المجالات كلها. أما المجلات والصحف والتلفزيونات التي أُنشئت خلال الأعوام القليلة الماضية، فغالبيتها العظمى تبتعد عن مناقشة الأمور السياسية حرصاً على الاستمرار. ومثال جريدة الدومري التي كانت أول صحيفة مستقلة في سورية بعد 38 عاماً من منع الصحافة المستقلة، أي منذ 8 آذار 1963 حين تولى حزب البعث السلطة في انقلاب عسكري، بقي فريداً، ولكنه انتهى خلال وقت قصير بوقف الجريدة نهائياً نتيجة التضييق السياسي والاقتصادي، الذي مارسته وزارة الإعلام والمؤسسة الحكومية المسؤولة عن توزيع الجرائد والمجلات.

أما الغالبية العظمى من المجلات والصحف التي بدأت الصدور في البلاد خلال الأعوام القليلة الماضية، فتخلو من الموضوعات السياسية، وتغلب عليها القضايا الاجتماعية. يُستثنى من ذلك بعض وسائل الإعلام التي يملكها أشخاص متنفذون، مثل مجلة “أبيض وأسود” وناشرها بلال حسن توركماني (ابن وزير الدفاع السوري) وتلفزيون “الدنيا” المملوك لرامي مخلوف (ابن خال الرئيس)، فهما يتناولان قضايا سياسية وينشران أخباراً. أما قناة شام التي يملكها أكرم الجندي، فقد اضطرت بعد ساعات من بدء بثها الرسمي في شهر تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) 2006 إلى التوقف، وذلك بعد عرضها نشرة للأخبار، واضطرت إلى الرحيل للبث من مدينة الإنتاج الإعلامي في مصر.

وامتداداً لهذا التضييق، يطال الحظر الإعلام الجديد، ممثلاً في مواقع الإنترنت. فقائمة المواقع المحظورة في ازدياد مطّرد، ويتم الحظر من خلال مؤسسة الاتصالات الحكومية التي تحظر على مستخدمي شبكة الإنترنت النفاذ إلى المواقع التي لا تنظر إليها السلطات بعين الرضا. والمنع لا يطال فقط المواقع السياسية أو المعارضة، بل يتعداها إلى بعض المواقع غير المعارضة إذا خرجت في ما تنشره على الخطوط الحمراء التي يرسمها الرقيب وليست معروفة لأنها غير منشورة، ومنها مواقع يديرها ناشطون بعثيون، أو مواقع شبابية (مثل موقع شبابلك الذي حُظر مؤخراً وهو منتدى شبابي اجتماعي يرتاده أكثر من 50 ألف عضو، ولا يُصنَّف معارضاً). ولقد صرح صحفي معروف في سوريةا إثر حجب موقع (فيس بوك) الشهير مؤخراً قائلاً “لم يعد في سورية إلا موقع سانا وتشرين والثورة ووزارة الإعلام ومجلس الشعب وبعض المواقع الإباحية، أما مواقع الأحزاب السياسية والمعارضة وجمعيات حقوق الإنسان والمواقع الأخبارية فقد طالها الحجب جميعاً”.

ولقد أصدرت السلطات السورية تعليمات مشددة لأصحاب مقاهي الانترنت لكي تحتفظ بمعلومات دقيقة عن مرتاديها تتضمن هوية الأشخاص وأماكن إقامتهم والمواقع الإلكترونية التي ارتادوها أثناء تواجدهم في المقهى ورقم الطاولات التي جلسوا عليها وأرقام الأجهزة التي استخدموها، وإبراز هذه المعلومات للجهات الرسمية عند الطلب مما يجعل من السهل اعتقال أي شخص يرتاد مواقع ممنوعة، تحت طائلة المسؤولية. هذا بالإضافة إلى منع إجراء الاتصالات عبر شبكة الانترنت لأنها لا تخضع للرقابة الهاتفية التي تفرضها السلطات السورية على عموم شبكة الهاتف.

تصنف المنظمات العالمية المدافعة عن حرية الصحافة النظام السوري على اعتباره من ألد أعداء الانترنت في العالم، فبالإضافة إلى حظر المواقع وحجبها، ومراقبة مرتاديها اعتقلت السلطات السورية خلال هذا العام عشرات المواطنين لمحاولتهم دخول مواقع محجوبة في سورية.

وتستند السلطات في تقييد الحريات الإعلامية إلى المرسوم التشريعي رقم 50 الذي أصدره الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد في 22 أيلول 2001، وهو بمثابة قانون المطبوعات الجديد في سورية الذي حل محل المرسوم القديم الصادر في 8 تشرين الأول 1949.

وسمح القانون الذي طال انتظاره رسمياً بنشر مطبوعات لا تخضع لرقابة الدولة وبمنح تراخيص لإصدار مطبوعات دورية، ولكنه فرض قيوداً كثيرة على النشر، وتشدد في عقوبة المخالفين، وحرم المعارضين المجردين من حقوقهم المدنية من الحصول على تراخيص. كما ينظم المرسوم 50 عمل المطابع والمكتبات ودور النشر وأصول منح التراخيص للدوريات ومحظورات النشر وجرائم المطبوعات وأصول المحاكمات المتعلقة بها. ولم يأت المرسوم بجديد حين سمح للأشخاص والهيئات الاعتبارية بإصدار مطبوعات دورية، وفقاً لمجموعة شروط، فقد أتاح القانون السابق لعام 1949 منح تراخيص للدوريات وفقاً للشروط نفسها تقريباً، ولكن هذا الجانب كان معطلاً عملياً منذ تولي حزب البعث السلطة عام 1963.

بل إن المرسوم يمنح رئيس الوزراء صلاحية واسعة برفض ترخيص الصحف، ويتشدد بشأن مضمون المطبوعات، وتطاول عقوباته الصحفيين مباشرة، وما ينشرونه.

وللسلطة التنفيذية في سورية تفسير القانون في قضايا النشر وتطبيقه بالكيفية التي تراها. ويمكن فرض عقوبات بحق المخالفين تتراوح بين السجن عشرة أيام وثلاث سنوات، وتصل الغرامة المالية إلى مليون ليرة سورية (أكثر من 20 ألف دولار). وتُعاقَب الصحف المخالفة بتوقيفها عن الصدور من أسبوع إلى ستة أشهر، فضلاً عن العقوبات المنصوص عليها في القوانين النافذة، في حين أن كل مطبوعة تدعو إلى تغيير دستور الدولة بطرق غير دستورية يعاقب المسؤولون عنها بإلغاء رخصتها فضلاً عن العقوبات المنصوص عليها. ولوزير الإعلام صـلاحية سحب البـطاقة الصـحفية من الصحفي إذا امتنع عن التعـريف بـ “مصدر مسؤول” أسند إليه معلومات صحفية. وتقول الحكومة إنها تسعى إلى تعديل قانون المطبوعات، ليشمل كذلك الإعلام الجديد، وبالتالي يُتوقع تأطير التشديد والحظر الواقع على مواقع الإنترنت بالقانون، بدلاً من ترك الأمر لمسؤولي الاتصالات في معالجة كل حالة على حدة.

وفي هذا الصدد طردت السلطات السورية الموفدة الخاصة لوكالة فرانس برس إلى سورية (جويل بسول) في (7/8/2006)ولم يعط المتحدث باسم وزارة الإعلام تبريراً سوى أنه يتصرف بناء على تعليمات وزارة الداخلية.

واعتقل الصحفي المتدرب مهند عبد الرحمن في (7/9/2006) على خلفية عمله الصحفي واعتقل بالتزامن معه الصحفي علاء الدين حمدون وأفرج عنهما في (22/9/2006) لكن قضيتهما ظلت أمام القضاء العسكري حتى (25/9/2007) حتى أسقطت المحكمة الدعوى لعدم وجود جرم.

وفي 2/12/2007 أصدرت وزارة الإعلام تعميماً بعدم التعامل مع الصحافي وضاح محي الدين على خلفية تقايره الموثقة التي نشرها عن عملية فساد كبيرة في مدينة حلب تورط فيها مسؤولون كباراً.

16. مأساة المهجرين السوريين في العراق

تعرض المهجرون السوريون المقيمون في العراق منذ أوائل ثمانينيات القرن المنصرم في الفترة التي يغطيها التقرير لأخطار كبيرة هددت حياتهم ووجودهم، وكانوا هدفاً للشرطة العراقية والميليشيات المسلحة القريبة منها والقوات الأمريكية.. فقتل منهم زهاء 38 شخصاً أخذوا من منازلهم أو أماكن عملهم أو من الشارع واعتقل حوالي 23 شخصاً ، وأغارت قوات بزي الشرطة على بعض مساكنهم في شارع حيفا وأحرقت 15 منزلاً في (16/1/2007). ومما ساعد على تعرض السوريين المهجرين لخطر الاعتقال والقتل امتناع وزارة الداخلية العراقية عن تجديد إقاماتهم أو تمزيقها وتمزيق الوثائق التي حصل عليها بعضهم من المفوضية السامية لللاجئين باكتسابهم صفة لاجئ.

وإزاء هذه الأخطار فقد حاولت أسر المهجرين الانتقال إلى بلدان أخرى، لكن دول الجوار رفضت حتى تمكينهم من العبور، في حين وقفت المفوضية السامية للاجئين عاجزة عن تقديم أي مساعدة على الرغم من الاتصال بها وتوجيه النداءات والاستغاثات المباشرة وغير المباشرة. وفي هذه الأثناء ظلت أجهزة المخابرات والأمن السورية تتربص بكل من يعود منهم وتعتقله فور وصوله الحدود مع العراق. ولم تجد مئات الأسر السورية المهجرة بداً من مغادرة العراق على جناح السرعة بأي ثمن ووسيلة ممكنة للحفاظ على أرواحهم من مذبحة محققة كانت تستهدفهم من قبل الشرطة العراقية والميليشيات المسلحة المتحالفة معها مخلفين وراءهم كل مقتنياتهم وذكرياتهم لمدة تناهز ربع قرن. لكن عدداً آخر من الأسر لا يستهان به لم تحالفها الظروف بالمغادرة وخصوصاً أولئك الذين ينتظرون خروج أقاربهم من السجون أو البحث عن مفقوديهم أو الذين ارتبطوا بزواج ومصاهرة او الذين عجزوا عن إيجاد وسيلة للمغادرة. ويعاني الذين غادروا في أماكن إقامتهم الجديدة من البطالة والعوز وفقدان الجيران والأصحاب.

وفي هذا الصدد فقد سجلت اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان الأحداث التالية: عُثر على جثة الشاب صالح المدني (25 سنة) في أحد شوارع بغداد في (11/9/2006) وكانت الشرطة قد اعتقلته مع بعض أصحابه من الشارع في (15/7/2006). واغتيل التوأم زيد وزيدون تركاوي (17 سنة) في أوائل شهر تشرين الأول (أكتوبر) 2006 على يد ميليشيات مسلحة. واعتقل كل من أحمد ترمانيني (55 سنة) وخضر حسن الجبوري وعبد الله كركب المرسومي وإبراهيم جديع المرسومي وخلف العليوي وخضر حمد الحسن وعلي ناصر في (21/12/2006) وعثر عليهم مقتولين وممثلاً بجثثهم بعد يومين من اعتقالهم. واختطف الشاب عبد الفتاح جحا (20 سنة) المقيم في الموصل في (14/1/2007) ثم عثر على جثته بعد ساعات من اختطافه.

واعتقل محمد بكور ومحمد بدوي وإبراهيم جركس وعثمان بسابسة في (9/1/2007)، وبينما تم الإفراج عن محمد بكور رئيس اللجنة السورية للعمل الديمقراطي بعد يومين إلا أن رفاقه لم يفرج عنهم حتى تاريخه.

واعتقلت الشرطة العراقية راكان طاهر قنطار (45 سنة) ومحمود عبد المجيد المحمد (43 سنة) وعلي عبد الكريم المدلج (28 سنة) في النصف الثاني لعام 2006 ، بينما اعتقلت القوات الأمريكية في (5/9/2006) كلاً من عبد الرحمن محمد قلعجي (57 سنة) وأولاده الثلاثة عدنان عبد الرحمن قلعجي (23 سنة) واحمد عبد الرحمن قلعجي (30 سنة)، ورضوان عبد الرحمن قلعجي (25 سنة) الذي اعتقل في أيار (مايو) 2007. واعتقلت القوات الأمريكية أيضاً عمر عكاش (20 سنة) في (13/1/2007)، وأحمد محمد سنوبر (55 سنة) في        ( 23/2/2007)، وأسامة محمد عماش (26 سنة) في (20/5/2007)، وإبراهيم محمد عبد الغني نجار (18 سنة) في (8/8/2007)، وعبد الرحمن أحمد محمد (29 سنة) في (16/8/2007). واعتقلت الشرطة العراقية محمد إبراهيم عاصي (42 سنة) في (25/3/2007)، وعبد الغني محمد نجار (20 سنة) في نيسان (إبريل) 2007، ومصعب فاعور (26 سنة) في (3/7/2007)، وأحمد عواد الحسن (34 سنة) في (25/4/2006)، وغسان محمد عبد الغني نجار (21 سنة) في (15/7/2007)، ومصطفى محمود شما (45 سنة) في (25/8/2007).

17. ملف الانتخابات

جرت في سورية خلال العام 2007 ثلاثة مناسبات انتخابية : انتخابات مجلس الشعب في نيسان (إبريل)، والاستفتاء على منصب رئيس الجمهورية في أيار (مايو)، ثم انتخابات الإدارة المحلية في شهر آب (أغسطس).

تميزت الانتخابات الثلاثة بافتقارها إلى  المقاييس الديمقراطية، فحصة حزب البعث وحده في مجلس الشعب تبلغ 134 من أصل العدد الكلي البالغ 250 عضواً ، وعدد أعضائه مع تكتل الجبهة الوطنية التقدمية الهامشية المتحالفة معه تبلغ 172، ولا يترك لباقي فئات الشعب أي (المستقلين ) إلا أقل من ثمانين عضواً. وحتى معظم الذين فازوا في الانتخابات من المستقلين هم من الأثرياء الجدد الذين تربطهم علاقات تجارية مع ضباط الأمن وكبار رجال النظام الحاكم.

وبما أنه لا يوجد تنافس ديمقراطي حقيقي وحصة حزب البعث والأحزاب المتحالفة معه مضمونة لهم، فقد زهد المواطنون السوريون في الانتخابات؛ ففي الوقت الذي قام النظام بإجراءات عديدة لرفع نسبة الناخبين وإرغام المواطنين على الإدلاء بأصواتهم مثل إجراء الانتخابات في أيام الدوام الرسمي، ومراقبة بطاقات الهوية الشخصية للموظفين ومعاقبة الذين لا توجد إشارة الانتخابات على بطاقاتهم لكن النسبة لم ترتفع عن أكثر من 10% في انتخابات مجلس الشعب والإدارة المحلية والاستفتاء على رئيس الجمهور، لكن سلطات وزارة الداخلية رفعتها إلى ما يزيد على 97% للاستفتاء على الرئيس و35% لانتخابات مجلس الشعب و49% للإدارة المحلية.

الاستفتاء على الرئيس يفتقر إلى أدنى الشروط الديمقراطية، فلا يحق للمواطنين ترشيح أنفسهم بل لا بد أن ترشحهم جهات عليا في حزب البعث الذي احتكر قيادة الدولة والمجتمع بنص المادة الثامنة من الدستور الذي فصله الرئيس السابق حافظ الأسد عام 1973 على مقاسه، ولا يسمح بوجود مرشحين منافسين على منصب رئاسة الجمهورية أيضاً.

والأشد وطأة من الإجراءات النظرية السالفة اعتقال العديد من المواطنين إثر الاستفتاء على منصب رئيس الجمهورية واختفائهم في السجون ومراكز التحقيق على نحو ما حصل للمواطن مصباح علاء الدين من قرية (بسنادة) في محافظة اللاذقية الذي اعتقل على خلفية إدلائه بصوته بـ (لا).

كما تعرض بعض الصحفيين الذين غطوا الاستفتاء للإعتداء من عناصر الأمن وأمروا بمغادرة البلاد فوراً، فلقد تعرض المراسل العراقي سيف خياط مراسل وكالة جيجي اليابانية لإعلام للاعتقال والتعذيب الشديدة والإهانة ثم أمر بمغادرة البلاد بصورة فورية.

ولقد وثقت اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان حالات كثيرة من إكراه المواطنين بصورة فردية أو جماعية للمشاركة بـ (نعم) في الانتخابات، كماوثقت حالات استصدار عدد كبير من البطاقات الشخصية (بدل تالف أو فاقد) لتأمين مشاركات مشكوك في نزاهتها، وذكر العديد من موكلي المرشحين المستقلين في انتخابات مجلس الشعب والإدارة المحلية أنهم أمروا بمغادرة القاعة لمدة تزيد على الساعة قبل نهاية وقت إغلاق الصناديق مما يشكك في إحداث عملية استبدال الأوراق. بالإضافة إلى ذلك فإن الغرفة السرية تم الاستغناء عنها في الاستفتاء على رئيس الجمهورية، ووردت تقارير عديدة تؤكد تواجد عناصر أمن عند صناديق الاقتراع للتأكد من المشاركة الإيجابية (نعم) وتدوين أسماء أصحاب المشاركات السلبية (لا) لمحاسبتهم لاحقاً.

وترفض السلطات في سورية السماح لأي جهة، أهلية كانت أو أممية بمراقبة سير الانتخابات والتأكد من نزاهتها وشفافيتها. وترفض قبول أي طعن أو ملاحظة حول الانتخابات، هذا ولقد قاطعت المعارضة في سورية بكل أطيافها الانتخابات لافتقارها لكل المعايير الديمقراطية ولانعدام النزاهة والشفافية ولاستيلاء حزب البعث على الأكثرية بنص الدستور.

اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان في سطور

اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان هيئة حقوقية إنسانية مستقلة ومحايدة، تعنى أساساً بالدفاع عن الحريات العامة وحقوق الإنسان السوري من خلال وسائل عديدة تتضمن:

1- كشف الانتهاكات والتعديات على حقوق الإنسان السوري والحريات الأساسية في سورية، ونشرها في وسائل الإعلام، ومخاطبة من يهمه الأمر، ومتابعتها لدى الجهات ذات الصلة.

2- إجراء الأبحاث ونشر الكتب والدراسات المتعلقة بالحريات الأساسية وحقوق الإنسان في سورية، على أسس البحث العلمي والتحقق الميداني.

3- إصدار التقارير بأنواعها والقيام بالحملات الإنسانية وعقد الندوات والمقابلات للتعريف بقضايا حقوق الإنسان في سورية.

4- نشر الوعي وثقافة حقوق الإنسان والحريات العامة  في المجتمع السوري، وتشجيعهم على المطالبة بحقوقهم الإنسانية وحرياتهم العامة حتى تحصل التغييرات التي تكفل هذه الحقوق بالوسائل السلمية.

5- تلتزم اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان بمبدأ التعاون مع الهيئات والمنظمات والمراكز والجمعيات غير الحكومية، المتخصصة في الدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان، مع الاحتفاظ بالاستقلالية الكاملة في عمل اللجنة.

تأسست اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان في صيف عام 1997 بمبادرة من أعضاء اللجنة السورية للدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان في سورية ونشطاء مستقلين انضموا إليها.

انتخب الناشط الحقوقي وليد سفور رئيساً للجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان ولمجلس إدارتها عام 2004 وتنتهي فترته في صيف عام 2008

حتى يسمح للجنة بفتح مركز رئيسي في دمشق وفروع في المحافظات السورية، يكون مقرها المؤقت في لندن.

فالعمل الطويل بحالة الطوارئ والأحكام العرفية ، والمحاكم والقوانين الاستثنائية ، أدى إلى ضمور الجسد السياسي ومؤسسات المجتمع المدني المستقلة ، المتسق مع ضمور سيادة القانون أو  اضمحلالها مما أدى إلى الفوضى والعشوائية والارتجال والاعتباط ,ويساور لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سورية ، القلق من استمرار حلول الامتيازات محل القوانين، وحلول مبدأ الولاء الحزبي أو الشخصي محل مبدأ المواطنة ومحل مبدأ الكفاءة والجدارة والاستحقاق، وحلول المصالح الشخصية والخاصة محل المصلحة الوطنية العامة، ونزع الطابع الوطني، الجمهوري، العام، أي المجتمعي، عن الدولة ومؤسساتها، وطبعها جميعاً بطابع الحزب الواحد والرأي الواحد واللون الواحد، مما أنتج معيقات عميقة وجدية وحقيقية  مع غياب الإرادة السياسية أمام عمليات الإصلاح السياسي والقانوني.

كما تعتزم ( ل د ح ) بهذه المناسبة بمواصلة الجهود الرامية لترسيخ ثقافة الحوار والتسامح بين مختلف مكونات المجتمع السوري ونبذ العنف  والتسلط  بكافة أشكاله ومستوياته  ، من أجل التمكين من قيم وثقافة الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان،وتعزيز أهمية دور الفرد والمجتمع المدني عبر معرفة حقوقه والدفاع عنها في بناء دولة الحق والقانون ذات النزوع الديمقراطية، وإعلاء مبدأ الحرية والمساواة والمواطنة.

2. الاطار القانوني

صادقت الجمهورية العربية السورية على العديد من الاتفاقيات والبروتوكولات الدولية المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان ، نذكر فيما يلي تاريخ مصادقتها ودخولها حيز النفاذ :

الاتفاقية الدولية للقضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز العنصري  تاريخ التصديق 21\4\1969  وتاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 12\5\1969

العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية          تاريخ التصديق 21\4\1969     وتاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 23\3\1976

العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق الاقتصادية والاجتماعية والثقافية      تاريخ التصديق 21\4\1969   وتاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 3\1\1976

اتفاقية القضاء على جميع اشكال التمييز ضد المرأة     تاريخ التصديق 28\3\2003    تاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 27\4\2003

اتفاقية حقوق الطفل       تاريخ التصديق 15\7\1993     تاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 14\8\1993

البروتوكول الاختياري لاتفاقية حقوق الطفل بشأن اشتراك الأطفال في المنازعات المسلحة     تاريخ التصديق  17\10\2003  تاريخ  الدخول حيز النفاذ  17\11\2003

البروتوكول الاختياري لاتفاقية حقوق الطفل بشأن بيع الاطفال واستغلال الاطفال في البغاء وفي المواد الإباحية    تاريخ التصديق 15\5\2003 تاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 15\6\2003

اتفاقية مناهضة التعذيب وغيره من ضروب المعاملة أو العقوبة القاسية أو اللاإنسانية أو المهينة  تاريخ التصديق 19\8\2004 تاريخ الدخول حيز النفاذ 18\9\2004

3. الإطار الدستوري والقانوني

في هذه العام لم تقوم الحكومة السورية بأي تعديلات قانونية أو اصدار قوانين ذا دلالة فيما يخص احترام حقوق الإنسان الأساسية ، والسماح للمجتمع السورية بالمشاركة الجدية والفعالة في العامة في سورية .

فالدستور الذي يشكل القانون الأساسي للدولة الذي يحدد الهيكل العام للدولة وينظم قواعد الحكم ويوزع السلطات ويبين اختصاصات كل منها ويضع الضمانات الأساسية لحقوق الأفراد ويبين حقوقهم وواجباتهم ومدى سلطان الدولة عليهم، إلا أن

الدستور  السوري الذي لم يوضع من قبل جمعية تأسيسية منتخبة من الشعب لهذه المهمة، وإنما وضع من قبل حكومة استولت على الحكم عبر ماسمي” بالحركة التصحيحية”،التي أسقطت دستور 1969 المؤقت الموضوع من قبل حركة شباط وقامت هذه الحكومة بتعيين مجلس أطلقت عليه اسم مجلس الشعب، وكلفته بالمصادقة على هذا الدستور،وطرحته للاستفتاء الشعبي بتاريخ 12 / 3 /  1973، الذي أقام  نظاماً جمهورياً ليس رئاسياً وليس نيابياً بالمعنى الدستوري وأعطى صلاحيات واسعة النطاق  لرئيس الجمهورية   من خلال هيمنته على السلطة التشريعية والقضائية و نتيجة لذلك أصبحت الدولة كنظام قانوني و ككيان مادي تتمحور حول شخص الرئيس، وتأتي في الركيزة الأخرى هيمنة حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي على الحياة السياسية بموجب المادة الثامنة من الدستور ، والرئيس هو الأمين العام للحزب والقائد العام للجيش والقوات المسلحة ،ولتكتمل هذه البنية القانونية التي ترسخ وتعزز هيمنة السلطة التنفيذية على كل تفاصيل الحياة في سورية ، استمرار العمل  بحالة الطوارئ منذ 8\3\1963 وبمجل القوانين الاستثنائية ، التي تصادر كل الحقوق والحريات العامة الخجولة الواردة في الفصل الرابع من الدستور ، إضافة لذلك بعض القوانين التي تعزز التمييز بحق المرأة كقانون الجنسية وقانون الأحوال الشخصية وبعض مواد قانون العقوبات ، مما يؤشر على غياب الارادة السياسية من أجل اجراء التعديلات اللازمة من أجل مساواة المرأة بالرجل في الحقوق والواجبات .

تنفيذ الجمهورية العربية السورية

لأحكام العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية

4. المادة الثالثة

المساواة بين الرجال والنساء

على الرغم أن سورية قد صادقت على العهد الدولي الخاص بالحقوق المدنية والسياسية ، واتفاقية القضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز ضد المرأة ، إلا أن المرأة في سورية لا تزال تعاني من كل أشكال التمييز والعنف الذين يمارسان على نطاق واسع ، ولم تتخذ الحكومة السورية خلال السنة المنصرمة أي تدابير تشريعية وقانونية من أجل تعديل بعض القوانين والمواد التمييزية بحق المرأة في سورية ، كقانون الجنسية وقانون الاحوال الشخصية وبعض مواد قانون العقوبات بما يتلائم وتصديق الحكومة السورية على الاتفاقيات المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان ، كما لم تزيل الحكومة السورية تحفظاتها على بعض مواد اتفاقية القضاء على جميع أشكال التمييز ضد المرأة ، ولم تقدم مبرراتها أثناء مناقشتها التقرير في السنة المنصرمة أما اللجنة ، مما يدلل على غياب الارادة السياسية الجدية لمساواة المراة بالرجل بالحقوق والواجبات . هذا واللجان اصدرت تقرير خاص بمدى تنفيذ الحكومة السورية لمواد الاتفاقية بشكل تفصيلي وكافة الانتهاكات القانونية والاجتماعية والاقتصادية التي تتعرض لها المرأة في سورية .

5. المادة الرابعة

استمرار العمل بحالة الطوارئ و مخالفة لأحكام المواد 6 و 7 و 8 (الفقرتين 1 و 2) و 11 و 15 و 16 و 18 ، من الاتفاقية
صدر قانون الطوارئ  بالمرسوم التشريعي ذو الرقم (51) تاريخ 22/12/1962 ، وحدد في الفقرة الاولى من المادة الثانية الصيغة الرسمية القانونية لإعلان حالة الطوارئ ، حيث تنص هذه الفقرة على :

“تعلن حالة الطوارئ بمرسوم يتخذ في مجلس الوزراء المنعقد برئاسة رئيس الجمهورية وبأكثرية ثلثي أعضائه على أن يعرض على مجلس النواب في أول اجتماع له”، ومن المعلوم وخلافا لهذه الفقرة من قانون الطوارئ ، فإن حالة الطوارئ في سورية قد اعلنت بقرار عسكري رقم (2) في 8\3\1963 بأمر من قيادة الثورة ودون أن يخضع هذا القرار لمجلس الشعب ، وبذلك تكون السلطة التي أعلنته غير شرعية وبالتالي كذلك هذا القرار الصادر عنها  ، وحتى أنه غير قانوني بموجب قانون الطوارئ ذاته .

كما يتناول الدستور  الدائم للبلاد كيفية إعلان الطوارئ والجهة الرسمية المخولة بأعلانه  وذلك بموجب المادتين 101 و 113

المادة مائة وواحد

يعلن رئيس الجمهورية حالة الطوارئ ويلغيها على الوجه المبين في القانون

المادة مائة وثلاث عشر

لرئيس الجمهورية إذا قام خطر جسيم وحال يهدد الوحدة الوطنية أو سلامة واستقلال أرض الوطن أو يعوق مؤسسات الدولة عن مباشرة مهامها الدستورية أن يتخذ الإجراءات السريعة التي تقتضيها هذه الظروف لمواجهة الخطر

إضافة لذلك فقد فتح الدستور المجال لتطبيق كافة القوانين والتشريعات الاستثنائية السابقة للدستور، وفق المادة /153/ من الدستور التي تنص على ما يلي : تبقى التشريعات النافذة والصادرة قبل إعلان هذا الدستور سارية المفعول إلى أن تعدل بما يوافق أحكامه .مما أسس لاستمرار هيمنة السلطة التنفيذية على السلطة التشريعية والقضائية والتعدي على الدستور نفسه , وتعطيل الكثير من مواده وخاصة ما ورد فيه في فصل ( الحريات والحقوق والواجبات العامة)

ومن أهم هذه التشريعات

• إعلان حالة الطوارئ والأحكام العرفية : بالأمر العسكري رقم /2/ تاريخ 8 آذار 1963
• قانون الطوارئ : الذي صدر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم / 51 / تاريخ 22 / 12 / 1963
• قانون حماية الثورة : الذي صدر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم /6/ تاريخ 7/1/1965 , وتضمن عقوبات تصل إلى الأشغال الشاقة مدى الحياة , على مخالفة أوامر الحاكم العرفي والقيام بالتظاهرات أو التجمعات أو أعمال الشغب والتحريض عليها , أو نشر البلبلة وزعزعة ثقة الجماهير بأهداف الثورة
• قانون إحداث المحاكم العسكرية : بموجب المرسوم التشريعي رقم /109/ تاريخ 17/8/1968
• قانون إحداث محكمة أمن الدولة : بموجب المرسوم التشريعي رقم /47/ تاريخ 28/3/1968, حيث حلت محل ( المحكمة العسكرية الاستثنائية ) .
• قانون إحداث إدارة أمن الدولة : صدر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم /14/ تاريخ 15/1/1969
• قانون التنظيمات الداخلية لإدارة أمن الدولة : صدر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم /549/ تاريخ 12/5/1969
• قانون الإحصاء : الصادر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم /93/ تاريخ 23/8/1962

القانون 49 الخاص بحركة الإخوان المسلمين

وقد شكل استمرار العمل بحالة الطوارئ بخصائصها السورية منذ 8\3\1963 وحتى هذه اللحظة  ، مصدرا أساسيا في انتهاك حقوق الإنسان والحريات العامة ، و انتهاكا مستمرا للدستور السوري، وانتهاكا مستمرا لالتزامات سورية الدولية المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان، من خلال تطبيق إجراءات استثنائية تصادر بها السلطات جميع الأنشطة غير الحكومية, وتخضع للضبط الشديد, ورغم تصريحات مختلف المسؤولين السوريين عن تخفيف حالة الطوارئ أو عدم استعمالها, إلا أنها لا زالت فاعلة في المجتمع السوري ولم يتم إلغائها بمرسوم جمهوري واضح ,ولازالت سيفا مسلطا على رقاب أفراد المجتمع,و البلد يسير بالأوامر العرفية والبلاغات العسكرية وتحت مظلة أمنية واسعة تغطي مساحة الوطن,مما يجعل انتهاك حقوق الإنسان عملا ” مبررا” , هذا الاستمرار المديد، الذي رسخ عبر الأجهزة الأمنية ، و المحاكم الاستثنائية.

6. المادة السادسة

. الحق في الحياة حق ملازم لكل إنسان..

لا تزال جرائم الثأر سائدة في بعض المناطق السورية والريفية منها على التحديد التي ما برحت تمارس هذه الجرائم المستندة لمعتقدات وعادات قديمة حيث تحصد سنويا العشرات من الضحايا ، رغم أن قانون العقوبات في مادتيه 533 و 535 قد أنزل عقوبة الإعدام والسجن 15 عاما لمن يرتكب جريمة القتل المتعمد ، ورغم ذلك ما زالت هذه العادة مستمرة ومن الملفت كثير من الحالات يتم الالتفاف فيها على القانون السوري ويتم تسويتها عشائريا .

وكذلك لا زالت جريمة بدافع الشرف تمارس في سورية على نطاق واسع تكون ضحيتها العشرات من النساء وللأسف ما زالت بعض المواد في قانون العقوبات تشجع على ارتكاب هذه الجريمة حيث يرتكبها أحد الذكور المقربين من الضحية ( الزوج ، الأب ، الأخ ، ابن العم ) وقد تم عرض لهذا الموضوع بالتفصيل في التقرير الخاص باتفاقية مناهضة التمييز ضد المرأة .

وكذلك لا زالت عقوبة الإعدام مطبقة في سورية .

7. المادة السابعة

لا يجوز إخضاع أحد للتعذيب ولا للمعاملة أو العقوبة القاسية أو اللاإنسانية أو الحاطة بالكرامة.

كما  صادقت الحكومة السورية على اتفاقية مناهضة التعذيب وغيرة من ضروب المعاملة أو العقوبة القاسية أو اللاإنسانية أو المهينة بتاريخ 19\8\2004 ودخلت حيز النفاذ بتاريخ 18\9\2004

كذلك منع الدستور السوري في مادته الثامنة والعشرون الفقرة الثالثة التعذيب  بشكل واضح حيث تنص على ” لا يجوز تعذيب أحد جسدياً أو معنوياً أو معاملته معاملة مهينة ويحدد القانون عقاب من يفعل ذلك” ،  أما التعذيب واستعمال الشدة أثناء التحقيق لانتزاع المعلومات فكان قانون العقوبات السوري واضحاً جدا ، فنصت المادة 391

من سام شخصاً ضروباً من الشدة لا يجيزها القانون، رغبة منه في الحصول على إقرار عن جريمة، أو على معلومات بشأنها، عوقب بالحبس من ثلاثة أشهر إلى ثلاث سنوات، وإذا أفضت أعمال العنف إلى مرض أو جراح كان أدنى العقوبات

الحبس سنة

إلا أنه وفي الوقت ذاته وبسبب استمرار العمل بحالة الطوارئ ، ونفاذ التشريعات والقوانين الاستثنائية بموجب المادة 153 من الدستور ، فتحت باب ممارسة التعذيب على نطاق واسع وحمت مرتكبي جريمة التعذيب من الملاحقة القانونية والقضائية وأهدرت حقوق الضحايا ،

كالمادة 16 من قانون إحداث إدارة أمن الدولة الصادر بالمرسوم التشريعي رقم \ 14\ تاريخ 15\1\1969 والتي تنص على “

لا يجوز ملاحقة أي من العاملين في الإدارة عن الجرائم التي يرتكبونها أثناء تنفيذ المهمات المحددة الموكولة إليهم , أو في معرض قيامهم بها , إلا بموجب أمر ملاحقة يصدر عن المدير

والمادة \ 74\ من قانون التنظيمات الداخلية إدارة أمن الدولة  الصادر بالمرسوم التشريعي  رقم \ 549 \ تاريخ 12\5\1969 والتي تنص على “

لا يجوز ملاحقة أي من العاملين في إدارة أمن الدولة , أو المنتدبين إليها أو المعارين إليها أو المتعاقدين معها , مباشرة أمام القضاء , في الجرائم الناشئة عن الوظيفة , أو في معرض قيامه بها , قبل إحالته إلى مجلس التأديب في الإدارة , واستصدار أمر ملاحقة من المدير

فالتعذيب في سورية هو عملية تمارس بشكل واسع النطاق ومنظم يقاسيها السجناء السياسيين والموقوفين الجنائيين في البلاد، وكل من يبدي معارضة للحكومة يتعرض لخطر الاعتقال والتعذيب والمعاملة القاسية والمهينة واللاإنسانية ،  حيث وثقت اللجان الكثير من المعلومات المتعلقة بممارسة التعذيب  ، ليس فقط لانتزاع المعلومات ولكن أيضا من أجل ان يعترف المعتقل والمحتجز على كل التهم التي  توجهها له الجهة الأمنية التي تقوم بالاعتقال ، ويتم توقيعهم على اعترافات تحت التعذيب والاكراه ، كما يحدث بشكل واسع  مع المعتقلين السياسيين ومعتقلي الرأي والمعتقلين الاسلاميين ،  كما يتعرض أحيانا  المعتقلين  الذين انتهى التحقيق معهم وأودعوا السجون  للتعذيب أو للمعاملة القاسية والحرمان من الزيارات أو من التنفس أو من الفسحة وعقوبات أخرى .

8. المادة  التاسعة

لكل فرد حق في الحرية وفى الأمان على شخصه. ولا يجوز توقيف أحد أو اعتقاله تعسفا.

يؤكد الدستور السوري في فصله الرابع المواد ( 25 و 27 و 35 ) ، على ان الحرية حق يضمنه الدستور ، وكذلك المواد ( 424 و 425 ) من القانون الجزائي وانه لا يجوز اعتقال أحد دون تهمة ثابتة عليه ، وان الاعتقال التعسفي يعتبر حد للحريات ويشكل جرما يعاقب عليه القانون ، وعلى كل معتقل متهم في جريمة أن يقدم للمحاكمة أمام المدعي العام التمييزي خلال 24 ساعة أو خلال مدة اقصاها 48 ساعة ، ومن ثم يحيله المدعي العام التمييزي إلى القاضي المختص خلال 24 ساعة التالية ، أما إذا اوقف المدعى عليه بمذكرة توقيف واستمر رهن الاعتقال لأكثر 24 ساعة دون إحالته للمدعي العام التمييزي يعتبر اعتقاله تعسفيا وتخضع  الجهة الرسمية أو غير الرسمية التي قامت بالاعتقال ، للملاحقة بتهمة التعرض لحرية الافراد الشخصية وانتهاك نص المادة 358 من قانون العقوبات.

في السنة المنصرمة سجلت الحكومة السورية تصعيدا ذا دلالة  في انتهاك حقوق الانسان  ، فيما يخص الاعتقال التعسفي خارج القانون وبدون مذكرة قانونية  الذي مورس على نطاق واسع ،وكذلك تعرض تعرض بعض المواطنين السوريين للاختفاء القسري أو غير الطوعي للأشخاص الذي يعتبر من أبغض انتهاكات حقوق الإنسان كونه شكل من اشكال التعذيب بالنسبة للضحايا الذين يظلون على جهل بمصيرهم ، وكثيرا ما يتعرضون  للتعذيب ، ويعيشون حالة من الرعب الدائم  بسبب الخوف على حياتهم ، وايضا مايشكله هذا الوضع من مأساة جديه بالنسبة لذوي الضحايا ، ، فالغالبية لا تتم احالتهم لمحاكمات لفترات زمنية طويلة ربما تتجاوز  السنوات ، وكثيرين تتم احالتهم للمحاكم الاستثنائية وتحديدا محكمة أمن الدولة العليا بدمشق التي تفتقر لادنى معايير المحاكمة العادلة والتي أحيل أمامها المئات خلال السنة المنصرمة وأصدرت أحكاما جائرة بحق العشرات  ، وبعضهم تتم احالتهم للقضاء العادي الذي يفتقر للاستقلالية ، حيث تم  احالة بعض  المعتقلين السياسيين ومعتقلي الرأي للقضاء العادي بعد أن  يتم توقيعهم على اقوال تؤخذ تحت التعذيب  والاكراه لكي يتم توجيه التهم المحددة من قبل الاجهزة الامنية ، ويستكمل القضاء باقي الاجراءات ، كما حدث مع معتقلي إعلان دمشق بيروت(  الكاتب ميشيل كليو والمحامي أنور البني والمترجم والناشط السياسي محمود عيسى) ، والقيادي في حزب الشعب الديمقراطي فائق أسعد المير وايضا كما حدث مع معتقلي المجلس الوطني إعلان دمشق للتغير الوطني الديمقراطي ،( الدكتورة فداء الحوراني والأستاذ رياض سيف والكاتب اكرم البني ، والزميل جبر الشوفي عضو مجلس الامناء في لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سورية ، والصحفي فايز سارة وعلي العبد الله ، والدكتور أحمد طعمة ووليد البني وياسر العيتي والمهندس مروان العش والفنان التشكيلي طلال ابو دان وعضو جمعية حقوق الإنسان في سورية محمد حاج درويش ). وفي التقرير السنوي توثيق لاسماء المئات من المعتقلين  السياسيين ومعتقلي الرأي  ونشطاء حقوق الإنساء ومناصري الديمقراطية في السجون السورية

9. المادة العاشرة

يعامل جميع المحرومين من حريتهم معاملة إنسانية، تحترم الكرامة الأصيلة في الشخص الإنساني

تبدي لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سورية ، عن قلقها البالغ من ورود معلومات عن ان بعض المعتقلين لا يزالوا من مسجونين ضمن سجن انفرادي منذ شهور عدة أو سنوات طويلة ، دون اي اتصال بالعالم الخارجي ، وفي هذا السياق تذكر اللجان بملف المفقودين الذي ينضم اليه بشكل دائم اعدادا متزايدة من الضحايا  والذي يبقى مصيرهم مجهولا ، وهولاء محرومون  من كافة حقوقهم الطبيعية ، مما يترك انعكاسات نفسية وجسدية خطرة عليهم ، ويزداد الامر سوء اذا ما أضيفت اليه الشروط الصحية المزرية في السجون السورية واماكن التوقيف في الفروع الامنية المنتشرة في البلاد وهي تفتقد للشروط والمعايير المنصوص عليها في الاتفاقيات المعنية بحقوق الإنسان والمحتجزين المحرومين من الحرية ، اضافة لذلك معلومات عن الفساد وحالات الابتزاز الذي يتعرض له الكثير من المحتجزين وذويهم .

كما نبدي قلقنا من استمرار ورود المعلومات عن تعرض  المعتقلين والنزلاء لصنوف مختلفة من التعذيب  والمعاملة المهينة والحاطة من الكرامة الانسانية  اثناء التحقيق وبعدة ، وفي اماكن الاحتجاز ، مما يترك آثارا نفسية وجسدية على النزلاء ، مع معرفتنا تماما غياب المراكز المختصة في في اعادة التأهيل النفسي والجسدي لضحايا الاعتقال التعسفي ، مع تعرض الكثيرين للملاحقة والتضييق بعد الافراج عنهم ، وغياب امكانية التقاضي وجبر الأضرار لصالح الضحايا

وكان أحد ضحايا سوء المعاملة  الناشط السياسي السيد عثمان سليمان بن حجي الذي  توفي في حوالي الساعة السابعة والربع من مساء هذا اليوم الاثنين 18 / 2 / 2008 في مشفى مارتيني، بعد معاناة شديدة وقاسية مع مرض سرطان الرئة

هذا و قد نقل السيد عثمان بعد تدهور حالته الصحية، الناتجة عن ظروف الاحتجاز السيئة في سجن حلب المركزي ،وعدم تلقيه العناية الصحية اللازمة، من مشفى الكندي الحكومي إلى العناية المشددة في مشفى الأشرفية التخصصي ، و إن السلطات السورية المعنية وإدارة مشفى الكندي لم تخبر ذويه بحالته الصحية في حينها، علماً أنه كان ممنوعاً من تلقي الزيارات في السجن إلا بعد موافقة فرع الأمن السياسي بحلب، الذي لم يرخص لأحد بزيارته منذ اعتقاله.

يذكر أن السيد عثمان الملقب ب (أوسو دادالي)، البالغ من العمر ستين عاماً هو من سكان قرية دادالي التابعة لمنطقة عين العرب (كوباني) ،وعضو سابق في مجلس الشعب السوري، قد أعتقل في 27\11\2007 أثر مداهمة منزله في قريته ،على خلفية نشاطه السياسي والاجتماعي، و بحسب مصادر مطلعة قد ألحق اعتقاله بأمر عرفي يقضي بحبسه سنة بتهم التخطيط والتحريض على إثارة الشغب .

في هذا العام أيضا لم تتخذ الحكومة السورية أي إجراءات ذات مغزى فيما يخص المجردين من الحقوق المدنية والسياسية ، حيث ما زالت مصرة على معاقبة المعتقلين السابقين ، عبر الاستمرار  في انتهاك حقوقهم الأساسية، فمنذ أوائل التسعينيات من القرن الماضي وحتى الآن، أطلق سراح بضعة آلاف من المعتقلين السياسيين  ومعتقلي الرأي ،  وكل معتقل يطلق سراحه يمنع من  ممارسة حقوقه المدنية، إما بنفس المدة التي حكم بها أو لسبع سنوات على أقل تقدير، ويدمغ على الأوراق الثبوتية بأنه محكوم عليه بالمدة التي حكم بها، بحيث تكون عائقاً أمام أي فرصة عمل، ولا يسمح له بالسفر أو العودة إلى عمله، إذا كان من موظفي الدولة أو القطاع العام، ولا يسمح له بالتملك أو تأسيس شركة، أو أن يكون شريكاً في عمل ولا يسمح له بتلقي مساعدات، وأن كثيراً من المطلق سراحهم يعيشون حياة مأساوية يلاحقون فيها حتى في حوانيت بيع الخضار،وعلى البسطات،وفي منازلهم ،وأماكن تواجدهم ، وهذا الملف الذي يكشف باستمرار عن ضحية أو أكثر نتيجة استمرار سوء الظروف الصحية والمعاشية للمعتقلين السياسيين السابقين ,ضحايا الاعتقال التعسفي والمحاكم الاستثنائية والتعذيب وعقوبات التجريد والحرمان من العودة إلى العمل,وصعوبات تامين سبل العيش اللائق

وخطورة هذا الملف تكمن في استمرار ظهور نتائج الاعتقال الكارثية على مستوى الوضع الصحي ,عبر ظهور السرطانات المختلفة والمهددة لحياة العديد المعتقلين السابقين وذلك بعد أن طالت بعضهم ,إضافة إلى بروز أمراض مزمنة قلبية وهضمية وعينية وعصبية وأمراض أخرى..ومما يزيد الأمر سوءا عجز أغلبهم في تامين العلاج والدواء بسب سوء الأوضاع المادية,عدا عن التكلفة الباهظة لمداواة هكذا أمراض

10. المادة  الثانية عشر

لكل فرد حرية مغادرة أي بلد، بما في ذلك بلده

تقوم السلطات السورية بمنع بعض مواطنيها من مغادرة البلاد ، وإن هذا الاجراء العقابي بحق المعرضين السياسيين وبعض الكتاب والمثقفين ونشطاء حقوق الإنسان في سورية ، لا يستند لأي إلى أسس شرعية ونصوص قانونية أو قرارات قضائية ، بل على بلاغات شفهية أو قرارات ادارية صادرة عن أحد الفروع الأمنية أو أكثر أحيانا ، حيث تابعت اللجان بقلق اتساع قائمة اسماء الممنوعين من السفر وذلك بأوامر صادرة عن السلطات الأمنية ، ولدى اللجان قائمة بأسماء بعض الممنوعين من السفر وفي هذا الموجز نذكر بعض الأسماء ومنهم :

الزميل مازن درويش عضو مكتب الأمانة في ل د ح

الزميل غازي قدور  عضو مجلس الأمناء في  ل د ح

الزميل نيازي حبش عضو مجلس الأمناء في ل د ح

الزميل عدنان حمدان

الأستاذ عبد الستار قطان

الأستاذ فاتح جاموس معتقل سياسي سابق وقيادي في حزب العمل الشيوعي

النائب الأسبق والمعتقل السياسي رياض سيف

الأستاذ خير الدين مراد سكرتير حزب آزادي الكردي في سورية

المعارضة السياسية والناشطة الحقوقية حسيبة عبد الرحمن

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي خليل معتوق

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي رديف مصطفى

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي مهند الحسني

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي راسم الاتاسي

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي مصطفى أوسي

المحامي والناشط الحقوقي  حسن بشو

وكذلك تقوم السلطات السورية باعتقال بعض المواطنين العائدين للبلاد ، اويتم استدعاء بعضهم لاكثر من مرة واحيانا لاكثر من فرع امني من أجل التحقيق واحيانا يتعرضون لمعاملة مهينة وابتزاز سياسي أو مادي ، وفي السياق نفسه هناك عشرات  الالاف من المواطنين السوريين اللذين لا يستطيعون الرجوع للبلاد وذلك لاسباب تتعلق بمواقفهم السياسية المعارضة لسياسة السلطات السورية

كما حصل مع المواطنة السورية باتريسيا عياش حيث تم اعتقالها يوم الاربعاء 4\7\2007فور وصولها إلى مطار دمشق الدولي قادمة من جنيف في الساعة الحادية عشر ليلا,ودون تبيان الأسباب الموجبة لذلك,حيث تم نقلها إلى أحد فروع الأمن السياسي ,وحسب ماذكر لنا فإن السيدة باتريسيا تحمل الجنسية السويسرية ,ومتزوجة وأم لخمسة أولاد وتعمل نائبة رئيس الجمعية السويسرية للمعلومات.

وفي انتهاك صارخ للمادة الرابعة والثلاثون من الدستور السوري التي تنص  على ” لا يسلم اللاجئون السياسيون بسبب مبادئهم السياسية أو دفاعهم عن الحرية” تقوم السلطات السورية باعتقال العديد من اللاجئين الاهوازيين في سورية وهم موجودون بشكل قانوني ومسجلين لدى المفوضية العليا لشؤون اللاجئين ،  وتسليمهم للسلطات الايرانية حيث يتعرضون للتعذيب وبعضهم قد تم اعدامه أو انه محكوم بالاعدام  ومنهم :

1- السيد سعيد عودة الصاكي

2- فالح عبد الله المنصوري

3- عبد الرسول علي مزرعة

مصير السيد علي بوعذار

علي بوعذار 24 عاما , محكوم عليه بالإعدام مسبقا من محكمة الثورة وقد اعتقل بوعذار يوم الاثنين 5 آذار 2007 من منزل في منطقة المزة 86 في العاصمة دمشق

كمال نواصري 27 عاما , وهو متواجد في سورية منذ حوالي ثمانية اشهر بشكل قانوني وهو مسجل لدى مفوضية شؤون اللاجئين وكان من المفترض ان يسافر الى الولايات المتحدة بعد تم تعيينها كبلد اللجوء , وقد اعتقل يوم الاثنين 5 آذار 2007 من منزل في منطقة المزة 86

11. المادة الرابعة عشر

الحق في محاكمة عادلة

يفتقر القضاء السوري للاستقلالية ، بحكم هيمنة السلطة التنفيذية على السلطة القضائية والتشريعية ، وذلك بموجب السلطات شبه المطلقة الممنوحة لرئيس الجمهورية من المادة 91 وحتى المادة 114 من الدستور السوري ،كما أعطت المادة /67/ من قانون السلطة القضائية القرار بتعيين القضاة وتأديبهم وعزلهم بناء على اقتراح وزير العدل أو رئيس مجلس القضاء الأعلى أو ثلاثة من أعضائه”و بذلك يضطر القاضي في كثير من الأحيان لأن يسعى إلى إرضاء الوزير لضمان ترفيعه وعدم عزله أو نقله أو تأديبه و هذا تدخل سافر من قبل السلطة التنفيذية في شوؤن السلطة القضائية ، وجدير بالذكر ان المادة 65 من قانون السلطة القضائية  منح السلطة التنفيذية  السيطرة على مجلس القضاء الأعلى المؤلف من سبعة أعضاء أربعة اعضاء منهم من السلطة التنفيذية، اضافة لهذه الهيمنة للسلطة التنفيذية ونفاذ القوانين الاستثنائية ، التي ساهمت بشكل اضافي في تآكل صلاحيات السلطة القضائية ومنها المحاكم الاستثنائية التي لا تخضع أحكامها للطعن أمام القضاء العادي ولا يلزم قضاتها بتطبيق القانون في اجراءات المحاكمة ، كمحكمة أمن الدولة العليا بدمشق ، والمحاكم الميدانية ، والمحاكم العسكرية .

محكمة أمن الدولة العليا

تأسست هذه المحكمة خارج سلطة القضاء العادي كي تتمكن السلطة الحاكمة من العبور بيسر وسهولة إلى أحكامها ذات الطابع السياسي

و حلّت هذه المحكمة مكان المحكمة العسكرية الاستثنائية حيث تمتعت بسائر صلاحياتها واختصاصاتها بموجب المادة 5 من المرسوم التشريعي رقم 47 تاريخ 28\3\1968

و يشمل اختصاص محكمة أمن الدولة العليا جميع الأشخاص من مدنيين وعسكريين مهما كانت صفتهم أو حصانتهم وذلك وفق المادة السادسة من ذات المرسوم

وهي تنظر بالجرائم التالية

1. الجرائم الواقعة على أمن الدولة المعاقب عليه في المواد من 263 حتى 311

2. الأفعال التي تعتبر مخالفة لتطبيق النظام الاشتراكي ساواء وقعت بالفعل أم بالكتابة أم بأية وسيلة من وسائل التعبير أو النشر

3. مخالفة أوامر الحاكم العرفي

4. الجرائم الواقعة خلافا لأحكام المراسيم التشريعية التي صدرت أو ستصدر ولها علاقة بالتحول الاشتراكي

5. مناهضة تحقيق الوحدة بين الاقطار العربية أو مناهضة أهداف الثورة أو عرقلتها سواء أكان عن طريق القيام بالتظاهرات أو التجمعات أو اعمال الشغب ، او التحريض عليها أو نشر الأخبار الكاذبة بقصد البلبلة وزعزعة ثقة الجماهير بأهداف الثورة

6. قبض المال أو أي عطاء آخر أو الحصول على أي وعد أو أية منفعة أخرى من دولة أجنبية أو هيئة أو أفراد سوريين أو أي اتصال بجهة أجنبية بقصد القيام باي تصرف قولي أو فعلي معاد لأهداف الثورة

7. الهجوم أو الاعتداء على الأماكن المخصصة للعبادة أو لممارسة الطقوس الدينية أو على مراكز القيادة والمؤسسات العسكرية، والدوائر والمؤسسات الحكومية الأخرى، والمؤسسات العامة، والخاصة بما فيها المعامل والمصانع والمحلات التجارية ودور السكن، أو إثارة النعرات أو الفتن الدينية أو الطائفية أو العنصرية وكذلك استغلال هياج الجماهير، والمظاهرات للإحراق والنهب والسلب

و لقد توسع اختصاص محكمة أمن الدولة بعد صدور قانون الانتساب إلى تنظيم الإخوان المسلمين 49 و كذلك قانون أمن حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي رقم 53

هذا وقد رصدت لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سورية وباقي المنضمات الحقوقية في سورية مئات المعتقلين المحالين أمامها خلال عام 2007 وقد أصدرت العشرات من الأحكام الجائرة بحقهم ، ونذكر هنا لبعض الاحكام وفي التقرير  توثيق لأغلب الجلسات والاحكام الصادر عن محكمة أمن الدولة .

الاسم	تاريخ الاعتقال	مدة الحكم	تاريخ صدور الحكم	جهة اصدار الحكم
عارف اسماعيل أحمد		خمس سنوات	بداية 2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
محمد فادي شماس		سبع سنوات	07/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
أحمد سلومي سلومي		خمس سنوات	07/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
محمد بن يوسف دبس		خمس سنوات	07/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
مروان زين العابدين		15سنة	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
ابراهيم اليوسف		15سنة	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
محمد جميل سماق		10سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
مصطفى كعكة		10سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
جهاد شما		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
حسام عبد الله		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
مهند حسن		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
ياسر بسواني		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
ممدوح رشو		4سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
نديم بالوش”طالب ميكانيك”		10سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
وسيم عفور “طالب هندسة بحرية”		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
حسام حليوة “طالب هندسة بحرية”		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
عبد الرؤوف سينو”طالب ادب انكليزي”		7سنوات	14/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
محمد أسامة بن بشير الخباز		4سنوات	28/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة
فراس بن عبد الرحمن الصغير		9سنوات	28/01/2007	محكمة أمن الدولة

القضاء العسكري

وهو قضاء مختص قانونا بالجرائم التي نصّ عليها قانون العقوبات العسكرية ، أي يختص النظر بالجرائم التي يرتكبها العسكريون بما يتعلق بإخلالهم بمهماتهم وتنفيذ الأوامر والتعليمات العسكرية فقط ، ولكن الحاكم العرفي بموجب قانون الطوارئ مدّ اختصاصها استثنائيا لتشمل كافة الدعاوى التي يكون طرفا فيها عنصر عسكري حتى لو كان الجرم منصوص عليه في قانون العقوبات العادي كما شمّل اختصاصها دعاوى معينة حتى لو كان أطرافها مدنيين  ، ويمكن للحاكم العرفي بموجب قانون الطوارئ إحالة أي دعوى أمام القضاء العسكري للنظر فيها، وقد مثل العشرات من المعتقلين أما القضاء ومنهم خمسون مواطنا كرديا  يذكر أن  هؤلاء الموطنين كانوا قد اعتقلوا في 5\6\2005 في مدينة القامشلي ,اثر مظاهرة احتجاجية على مقتل الشيخ معشوق الخزنوي الذي قتل في ظروف غامضة,واخلي سبيلهم ليحاكموا طلقاء بعد توقيفهم لمدة شهرين,وبموجب العفو الرئاسي فقد تم إسقاط مجمل التهم التي وجهت إليهم عدا واحدة تتعلق بإثارة النعرات الطائفية والعنصرية وفق المادة307 من قانون العقوبات,و تم إحالة الملف إلى قاضي الفرد العسكري الأول في دمشق

وجدير بالذكر وبطريقة شكلية أصبحت السلطات السورية تحيل بعض المعتقلين السياسيين ومعتقلي الرأي إلى القضاء العادي وذلك بعد أن تقوم الاجهزة الأمنية باعتقالهم بدون مذكرة قانونية وتأخذ اعترفاتهم تحت التعذيب والإكراه ، كما حصل مع معتقلي إعلان دمشق بيروت ، والدكتور كمال اللبواني والناشط والقيادي السياسي فائق أسعد المير والقيادي المعارض فاتح جاموس ، ومعتقلي المجلس الوطني إعلان دمشق للتغير الوطني الديمقراطي ، حيث توجه لهم تهم مثل :

جناية النيل من هيبة الدولة و إضعاف الشعور القومي وفق أحكام المادة 285 من قانون العقوبات السوري

2- إذاعة أنباء كاذبة تنال من هيبة الدولة حسب المادة 287 عقوبات

إثارة النعرات الطائفية والمذهبية والعنصرية والحض على النزاع بين الطوائف وفق أحكام المادة 307 من قانون العقوبات السوري

دس الدسائس لدى دولة أجنبية أو اتصل بها ليدفعها إلى مباشرة العدوان على سورية أو ليوفر لها الوسائل إلى ذلك عوقب بالأشغال الشاقة المؤبد وفق المادة 264 عقوبات

12. المادة التاسعة عشر

لكل إنسان حق في اعتناق آراء دون مضايقة ، والتعبير عنها بحرية

إن الدستور السوري أكد بشكل واضح على أن الحرية حق مقدس  وأن لكل مواطن الحق في أن يعرب عن رأيه بحرية وعلنية بالقول والكتابة وكافة وسائل التعبير الأخرى وأن يسهم في الرقابة والنقد البناء  ولكن القراءة المتكاملة للدستور والقوانين والتشريعات الاستثنائية الأخرى  تعود السلطة السورية بمصادرة كافة الحريات الأساسية إلا بما يخدم  توجهات السلطة السورية  و “بما يضمن سلامة البناء الوطني والقومي ويدعم النظام الاشتراكي وتكفل الدولة حرية الصحافة والطباعة والنشر وفقاً للقانون” كما ورد في المادة الثامنة والثلاثون من الدستور ، حيث تقوم السلطات السورية وعبر الاجهزة الأمنية باعتقال الكتاب والصحفيين ومتصفحي الانترنت  حيث تم اعتقال العشرات من منتقدي السلطة ومناصري الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان ،

• في مساء الاثنين 29\1\2007 قامت دورية أمنية في مدينة حلب ، بمداهمة منزل أحد المواطنين في مدينة حلب -- حي الشيخ مقصود وتم اعتقال كل من كان في المنزل ويقدر عددهم مابين 12-15 ,دون تبيان أسباب الاعتقال وتم معرفة الأسماء التالية:

أصحاب المنزل:

أزاد خالد قادر -- جوان خالد قادر -- بشار خالد قادر .

ومن الموجودين عرف الأسماء التالية:

أحمد نعسان- نجم الدين حبش- دلكش حمو -- تحسين مصطفى -- أزاد إبراهيم -- أحمد درويش -- حمودي بوزان -- إدريس عبد القادر .

و كذلك أن دورية أمنية في محافظة طرطوس قامت باعتقال كلا من المواطنين التالية أسماؤهم

محمد درباك-رامي رخامية-علاء محي الدين.

وكذلك في مدينة القامشلي التابعة لمحافظة الحسكة حيث أقدم فرع الأمن السياسي 25/1/2007 على اعتقال كلا من مزكين حسن و زوجها ماجد حسن وكذلك اثنان من أفراد عائلتها وهما : عبد الهادي حسن ، عبد الغني حسن في حي القدور بك في مدينة القامشلي.

و في محافظة حلب تم يوم الأربعاء 31 / 1 / 2007 اعتقال السيد نظمي أبو لاوند دون معرفة أسباب الاعتقال.

كما اعتقلت الأجهزة الأمنية ظهر يوم الأربعاء في 7/2/2007الشـاعر والطبيب محمود بن حسـين صارم المولود في الجبيلية التابعة لمحافظة اللاذقية عام 1939، وأحالته موقوفاً للنيابة العامة العسكرية بعد خمسة أيام من اعتقاله حيث أصدرت بحقه مذكرة توقيف وأودعته سـجن دمشق المركزي ( عدرا ) .

اقدم الأمن العسكري في مدينة طرطوس على اعتقل يوم الأربعاء 7/3/2007 الشاب انس بن يوسف الترك البالغ من العمر العمر21 سنة خانة 57 بانياس والدته أسمى، وهو عامل يومي بمحل تنجيد فرش وإسفنج، مصاب بمرض السكري منذ الولادة وهو غير كامل البنية ويحتاج يوميا إلى إبرة أنسولين قيمتها 100 ل.س ووالده عاجز، وينتمي إلى أسرة فقيرة جدا ، وبحسب مصادرنا فإن الاعتقال جاء على خلفية تقرير لأحد المخبرين

اعتقال السيد علي درباك كان قد اعتقل على خلفية نشره قصيدة شعرية مع كلا من:رامي رخامية صاحب المكتبة التي تم فيها نسخ القصيدة,وعلاء محيي الدين عامل في المكتبة,وذلك منذ 28\1\2007 في بانياس غرب سورية

بتاريخ5/4/2007 أقدمت الأجهزة الأمنية بدمشق على اعتقال الزميلين إبراهيم صالح زورو وهو كاتب وعضو ناشط في لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سوريا ، ومعتقل سابق ، وهو من سكان مدينة القامشلي التابعة لمحافظة الحسكة من مواليد 1961 ، وكذلك الزميل محمد شريف محمد وهو أيضا عضو ناشط في لجان الدفاع عن الحريات الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في سوريا، وقد وتم الاعتقال دون تبيان الأسباب الموجبة لاعتقالهما,أو أية مذكرة توجب توقيفهما

في صباح يوم السبت 7\7\2007 اعتقال المواطن طارق عمر بياسي من قبل  فرع الأمن العسكري في محافظة طرطوس

في يوم الخميس ظهرا 2/8/2007تم اعتقال المواطن إسماعيل خضر الصالح والمعروف بـ إسماعيل الصياح من أمام منزله من قبل جهة أمنية غير معروفة في مدينة دير الزور، والسيد إسماعيل من أهالي مدينة دير الزور ، وهو مدرس للغة العربية وخطيب جامع ( أنس بن مالك) من مواليد 1956

اعتقال الناشط السياسي معروف احمد ملا احمد ، على الحدود السورية اللبنانية حين كان متوجها بزيارة إلى لبنان ، وهو من سكان مدينة القامشلي , و احد الكوادر القيادية في حزب اليكتي الكردي.

في صباح يوم الأحد تاريخ 2\9\2007 تم اعتقال الناشط السياسي والقيادي الكردي بشار الأمين المعروف بـ ( أبو لورين) وهو عضو في المكتب سياسي في حزب الازادي الكردي من منزله في مدينة الحسكة شمال سورية,حيث قامت دورية أمنية مسلحة تابعة لفرع الأمن العسكري باقتياده إلى إلى فرع فلسطين بدمشق.

دورية من الأمن العسكري بمحافظة ريف دمشق وبتاريخ 22\10\2007 قامت باعتقال المواطن السوري السيد بسام عبد الكريم بصلة والدته آمنة مواليد 1964 , على خلفية انتقاده لغلاء الأسعار والسيد بسام لديه محل في مدينة التل بمحافظة ريف دمشق , لتصنيع المفاتيح وبيع الخردوات, وهو عضو قيادي بحزب الاتحاد الاشتراكي العربي الديمقراطي المعارض, ومتزوج ولديه ولد وثلاث بنات

قيام دورية امنية وبمرافقة مدير منطقة عين العرب ( كوباني) بتاريخ 27\11\2007 باعتقال تعسفي بحق السيدة عائشة أفندي بنت أحمد (أم ولات) حوالي الساعة الرابعة صباحاً من منزلها بدمشق وتم اقتيادها الى مدينة حلب ، عائشة أفندي إمرأة تبلغ من العمر 45 عاما متزوجة من المهندس صالح مسلم وهي أم لعدة أطفال, وهي ناشطة سياسية مقربة من حزب الاتحاد اليمقراطي بحسب المعلومات الواردة لدينا

بقيام دورية للشرطة في قرية دادالي التابعة لمدينة عين العرب ( كوباني) بتاريخ 27\11\2007 باعتقال تعسفي بحق عضو مجلس الشعب السابق السيد عثمان محمد سليمان بن حجي ، إثر مداهمة منزله حوالي الساعة الرابعة صباحاً واقتادته ألى جهة مجهولة ، والسيد عثمان يتجاوز الستين من العمر ومتزوج وله عدة اولاد ويلق بـ ( أبو دادالي) .ويعتقد جاء اعتقاله بحسب هذه المصادر على خلفية نشاطه العام

حرية الصحافة والصحفيين

إن عام 2007 في سورية شهد تراجعاً خطيراً لحرية الرأي والتعبير,فقد استمرت اعتقالات ومحاكمة المواطنين على أرائهم الشفهية أو المكتوبة,فواقع الحريات مترابط ومتكامل مع بعضه البعض, فالانتهاكات في الكثير من مجالات حياة المواطن السوري متواصلة ومتكاملة, لأنها ناتجة عن واقع واحد هو واقع تغييب الحريات وعدم احترام حقوق الإنسان.ففي مجال الصحافة والإعلام,تعرض للاعتقال الاستدعاءات والضغوطات العديد من الصحفيين والكتاب والناشرين واستمرت السلطة السورية في التضييق على حرية الصحافة حيث صنفت سورية بحسب تقرير مراسلون بلا حدود الأخير ضمن أسوء اربع دول في الشرق الاوسط في مجال الحريات الصحفية و احتلت المرتبة 154 بين 169 دولة شملها التقرير، حيث تخضع كافة الصحف والمجلات والنشرات في سورية لقانون المطبوعات المقيد للحريات الإعلامية,والذي يخول رئيس الوزراء إلغاء ترخيص أي مطبوعة بناء على اقتراح وزير الإعلام ودون إبداء الأسباب (المادة 22). ورغم إن المادّة /38/ من الدستور السوري نصّت على انّه لكلّ مواطن الحق في أن يعرب عن رأيه بحريّة وعلنيّة بالقول والكتابة وكافة وسائل التعبير الأخرى… وتكفل الدولة حريّة الصحافة والطباعة والنشر وفقا” للقانون.. فأن قانون المطبوعات يعتبر قانونا جائرا ومتخلفا ، من خلال العقوبات الواردة فيه ,والتي تفوق بتشددها العقوبات المنصوص عنها في القانون العام للعقوبات,وعلى أساسه ,و بتاريخ 18- 6-2005 تبلغت إدارة تحرير صحيفة المبكي السورية القرار الصادر عن السيد رئيس مجلس الوزراء رقم / 2854/ بتاريخ 26-5-2005 القاضي بإلغاء ترخيص المبكي، استناداً إلى المواد ” 44 و 49 و 51 ” من قانون المطبوعات,و بحجة نشرها مواد سياسية و أن ترخيص المجلة هو ثقافي ,وان الإغلاق كان بسبب تناول المجلة تورط بعض المسؤولين السوريين بقضايا فساد مثبتة وموثقة من قبل المجلة ، فإلغاء ترخيص صحيفة المبكي ,يأتي بعد إلغاء ترخيص صحيفة الدومري سابقاً إضافة لمنع صدور أكثر من عدد من مجلة المال السورية , كما لازالت المؤسسة العامة لتوزيع المطبوعات الحكومية , تحتكر توزيع جميع المطبوعات منذ إنشائها في عام 1975 بموجب المرسوم التشريعي رقم “14″ الذي حصر توزيع المطبوعات بهذه المؤسسة , بحيث ارتبط التوزيع بمزاجية وقرارات مديرها سواء كانت مناسبة أو لا ولذلك هناك العديد من الصحف العربية والاجنبية لا يسمح دخولها لسورية.

أما اتحاد الصحفيين وهو مؤسسة رقابية صارمة يصدر العقوبات بحق الصحفيين عبر أوامر إدارية . حيث صدر قانون اتحاد الصحافيين برقم 1 لعام 1990 وقد نصّ في المادة 3 منه أن اتحاد الصحفيين هو اتحاد مؤمن بأهداف الأمة في الوحدة والحرية والاشتراكية وملتزم بالعمل على تحقيقها وفق مقررات حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي وتوجيهاته . كما نص في المادة 54 أن الاتحاد يعاقب كل عضو يخرج عن أهداف الاتحاد , فإذا ما عرفنا أنه لا يمكن العمل بالصحافة دون أن يكون منتسبا للاتحاد فإن هذا وحده كاف لضبط العمل الصحافي والصحافيين والسيطرة والهيمنة عليهم، وجدير بالعلم وبحسب تقارير خاصة ان 70% من الصحفيين غير مسجلين في الاتحاد .

ومازالت وزارة الإعلام تتحكم بشكل مطلق بقرارات منع المطبوعات من الدخول إلى سوريا إما بشكل دائم أو بشكل متقطع بحسب المواد المنشورة , ومن الصحف التي منعت نهائيا من الدخول إلى سورية جريدة النهار اللبنانية و المحرر العربي اللبنانية و الشرق الأوسط اللندنية و التي تكتب في إحدى زواياها الدائمة وزيرة المغتربين السورية بثينة شعبان, وكذلك العديد من الصحف العراقية و تتعرض جريدة الحياة اللندنية إلى الكثير من حالات منع الدخول المؤقت بحسب المواد المنشورة وكذلك بعض الصحف الأجنبية الفرنسية و البريطانية و الأمريكية

كما أقدمت السلطات السورية في عام 2007 على حجب الكثير من المواقع الالكترونية السورية على الشبكة العنكبوتية  ، لتؤكد على إصرارها المضي قدما في مسار التضييق على الحريات الأساسية ، ووضع القيود الإضافية على هذه الحريات وقامت السلطات السورية باتخاذ إجراءات تهدف لتقييد استخدام التعليقات الصادرة بتوقيع “مجهول”، وهو الأمر الذي يستند إليه الكثير من الكتّاب السوريين للهروب من مراقبة الدولة. وفي تموز/ يوليو الماضي أصدر وزير الاتصالات والتكنولوجيا في سورية قراراً يطالب كل أصحاب المواقع بنشر اسم ناشر المقال والتعليق بشكل واضح ومفصل تحت طائلة حجب الموقع,ووفقاً لمصادر من مزودي الإنترنت في سورية فإن القائمين على الخدمة لا يتدخلون في الحجب أو السماح، وإنما تصلهم جداول بالمنع من جهات سياسية وأمنية، ويقومون بتنفيذ الحجب عليها دون أن يكون لهم رأي في ذلك

وتقوم “الجمعية السورية للمعلوماتية” و”المؤسسة العامة للاتصالات” في سورية بالتحكم بشبكة الانترنيت في سورية، وتضم في قائمتهما السوداء عشرات الآلاف من المواقع الإلكترونية الإخبارية والحقوقية والصحفية وسواها، وخصوصاً تلك التي تكون سورية في دائرة اهتمامها، وقامت الحكومة بحجب العديد من المواقع بشكل دائم أو متقطع ,ومن المواقع التي تم حجبها:

موقع الحقيقة, موقع حزب يكيتي, موقع اللجنة العربية لحقوق الإنسان, موقع “اللجنة السورية لحقوق الإنسان”،موقع “أخبار الشرق” المتخصص في الأخبار عن سورية ,موقع الاخوان المسلمين في سورية,موقع جبهة الخلاص ، موقع حزب الحداثة والديمقراطية لسورية ،موقع حزب الاصلاح، موقع حركة العدالة والبناء،موقع الحركة القومية الاجتماعية ،موقع صفحات سورية ،موقع أحرار سورية ، موقع الحوار المتمدن,موقع الاختلاف ثروة ، موقع رابط معلومات حقوق الانسان في سورية shril,موقع المشهد السوري,موقع المرصد السوري لحقوق الانسان,خدمة المدونات المجانية التي يمنحها موقع غوغول العالمي,موقع اللجنة الكردية لحقوق الإنسان وموقع تيار المستقبل الكردي وموقع المنظمة الكردية للدفاع عن حقوق الإنسان والحريات العامة في سورية(dad) موقع كسكيسور, ولاتي مه- كوردميديا- خاك- شرمولا عامودا- عفرين-كميا كردا -تربسبي-قامشلو. نت -سيدا, وتحجب السلطات السورية مواقع عالمية مثل “يو تيوب” للفيديو أو “بلوغ سبوت” الذي يتيح إنشاء مواقع خاصة للأفراد، ومؤخراً تم حجب موقع منتدى “فيس بوك” الشهير الذي يضم منتديات فرعية بعضها يخص الشباب السوري , وموقع صفحات «الفايس بوك» العالمي ,و موقع “صحيفة الرأي الإلكترونية” ،موقع النزاهة, موقع بونجور شام, وتم حجب العديد من المواقع الإسلامية , مع الحجب المؤقت لبعض الصحف والدوريات مثل الشرق الأوسط والنهار اللبنانية وإيلاف الالكترونية

و إن سياسة الحجب للمواقع الالكترونية تتم فقط لأسباب سياسية , كما تواكبت ممارسات التضييق هذه  مع اعتقالات لبعض المواطنين الذين يمارسون حقهم في الإدلاء بآرائهم بالقضايا العامة عبر شبكة الإنترنيت نظرا لعدم تمكنهم من التعبير عنها بشكل مباشر, فقد تم إعتقال العديد من المواطنين على خلفية ما يسمى ثرثرة الانترنيت , والذين لا ينتمون إلى تيارات سياسية وعادة لا يحال هؤلاء إلى محاكمات , أو إلى محاكم استثنائية , ويعتقلون لفترة تتراوح بين ” 3″ أشهر إلى” 3″ سنوات , يقضونها في مراكز التوقيف المختلفة مع تعرضهم الدائم للمعاملة اللاانسانية والمهينة واحتجازهم في ظروف سيئة جدا وفي هذا المجال تعتبرمنظمات دولية مدافعة عن حرية الصحافة أن السلطات السورية تعرقل وتكبح حرية الانترنت ، بل ان منظمة Article19 ذهبت إلى تصنيف سورية ضمن الأنظمة العشرة الأكثر عداء لاستخدام الانترنت    .

وخلال هذا العام تم اعتقال واستدعاء ومحاكمة  العشرات من الصحفيين والكتاب ، نذكر منهم الكاتب  والصحفي ميشيل كيلو والكاتب والشاعر فراس سعد و الصحفي سالار أوسي ،والصحفي مهند عبد الرحمن ، والصحفي  علاء حمدون ،  والزميل كمال شيخو ، والصحفي فايز سارة ، والصحفي والكاتب علي العبد الله ، الكاتب أكرم البني … وغيرهم

كما عوقب الصحفي وضاح محي الدين من قبل وزارة الإعلام حيث أصدرت تعميما يحمل الرقم 293 لتاريخ 2\12\2007  يقضي بعدم التعامل مع الصحفي المذكور حيث طلبت الوزارة من المدير العام لمؤسسة الوحدة للصحافة والطباعة والنشر ، والمدير العام للهئية العامة للإذاعة والتلفزيون وكذلك رؤساء تحرير صحيفة تشرين والثورة والبعث وسيريا تايمز وجميع الصحف ووسائل الإعلام الرسمية بعدم التعامل مع الصحفي وضاح محي الدين ، وذلك بسبب فضح الصحفي المذكور لكثير من قضايا الفساد في جريدة النور الصادرة عن الحزب الشيوعي المتحالف مع الحزب الحاكم

13. المادة الحادية والعشرون

الحق في التجمع السلمي

استمرت السلطات السورية على نهجها خلال عام 2007 من قمع التجمعات السلمية وذلك احيانا باستعمال القوة المفرطة غير المبررة ، حيث قامت خلال العام المنصرم بقمع جميع التجمعات السلمية التي تقام من خارج السلطة كما حصل في :

*  في يوم السبت 2\6\2007 قامت الأجهزة الأمنية السورية بمنع جمعية حقوق الإنسان في سورية من عقد هيئتها العامة

*  في يوم الجمعة 2/11/2007 قام المئات من المواطنين الأكراد السوريين في مدينة القامشلي بتنظيم مسيرة احتجاجية سلمية تلبية لدعوة حزب الاتحاد الديمقراطي

تندد بالحشود العسكرية التركية على الحدود العراقية التركية،لملاحقة عناصر حزب العمال الكردستاني،وبحسب شهود عيان ، و قد جوبهت هذه المسيرة عند دوار الهلالية بالقوة من قبل رجال الأمن،